sábado 28 de noviembre de 2009

John G. Morris: An Interview with the Most Influential and Experienced Photo Editor in History

Interview and Indicated Pictures: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. LHSA Paris (France). September 12, 2009

John G. Morris inside the library of his home in Paris, a city he greatly loves and where he has lived since 1983. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza

Throughout a distinguished photojournalist career which began in 1938 and during which he was Life´s Magazine Hollywood correspondent, Life´s Magazine picture editor during Second World War, Ladies´ Home Journal photo editor, Magnum´s Photos first picture editor, picture editor for the Washington Post and the New York Times and a corresponding editor for National Geographic, John G. Morris became the most experienced picture editor of all time, working through decades with the foremost photographers in the world: Henri Cartier-Bresson, Robert
Capa, Alfred Eisenstaedt, Margaret Bourke-White, David Seymour Chim, Werner Bischof, Gjon Mili, George Rodger, Bob Landry, Ralph Morse, Carl Mydans, Elliot Elisofon, Hansel Mieth, Elliot Erwitt, Phillippe Halsman, Eugene Smith, Cornell Capa, Inge Morath, Dmitri Kessel, David Douglas Duncan, Fritz Goro, Myron Davies, George Silk, Peter Stackpole, John Florea, Hans Wild, Frank Scherschel, Dave Scherman, Ernst Haas, Lee Miller, Bill Vandivert, Ruth Orkin, Sol Libsohn, Esther Bubbley, Gordon Coster, Larry Burrows, Eve Arnold, Burt Glinn, Erich Hartmann, Dennis Stock, John Phillips, Erich Lessing, Marc Riboud, Kryn Taconis, Bill Snead, Ernies Sisto, Barton Silverman, Neal Boenzi, Edward Hausner, Jack Manning, Don Hogan Charles, Peter Magubane, Michel Laurent, David Turnley, Peter Turnley, and many more. John G. Morris had always the highly important job of choosing their best images for publication in a number of the most prominent magazines and newspapers on earth, a high percentage of them becoming legendary icons with the elapse of time. And he always managed to increase the photographic picture edition and prestige of all the world class media for which he worked, also becoming a key factor in the increase of sales. But aside from his impressive background as picture editor and journalist, John G. Morris, an authentic living encyclopedia perfectly remembering all kind of anecdotes, data and events from thirties to present time, has steadily kept through his professional lifetime a praiseworthy comradeship to his job teammates, specially to photographers, whom he has always defended to his utmost, fighting strenuously to get the best working conditions, salaries and picture payings for them, often even facing some of the most powerful editors and publishers in defense of their rights. This is the man who along with Cornell Capa, Julia Friedmann, and Edith Capa helped bury Robert Capa on June 11, 1954 in the Quaker cemetery at Amawalk, New York, in the middle of very deep grief. This is the man who made twelve trips to Tucson (Arizona) to see W.S. "Bill" Johnson, Eugene Smith´s personal curator, fighting to his physical limit trying to preserve - what he obtained - the economical future of Eugene Smith´s sons, specially three of them who had become very poor after Gene´s demise in 1978. There would be many more examples clearly depicting the exceptional humanity of John G. Morris, who often risked his own job defending photographers all over the world and the huge significance of pictures in modern journalism and different media related to it.

John G. Morris speaking in depth about pictures, with the same enthusiasm
than in 1938, when he began his professional career as a photojournalist working
for the legendary Life magazine published by Henry R. Luce.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza


When did your career begin?

John G. Morris: In 1937, during my third year at Chicago University, I created a monthly student magazine called Pulse, trying to follow the line of Time regarding its news section and candid type pictures in the style of Life. While staying as a student, Robert Maynard Hutchins, President of the University of Chicago, imbued me with the idea that the best education in journalism stems from working in the field.

But my professional activity in journalism started in March 1938, when I began working in New York in Life, the weekly picture magazine founded by Henri R. Luce in 1936, already then the best in the world and selling by millions.

My first important work came at the end of July 1939 as a substitute researcher in Life´s sports department.

I had the chance of meeting Gjon Mili, an actual genius photographer, when we had to make a reportage of Alice Marble, recently proclaimed champion of Wimbledon. We went to Mili´s studio of 6 East Twenty-third street in New York and he made a great work using his tremendous mastery of stop-action pictures using stroboscopic lights and freezing Alice´s strokes hitting the ball with her racket.

I worked hard. In May 1940 I was elected research assistant to Alexander King, and just before Christmas 1940, I was named assistant to Wilson Hicks, one of the two executive editors in Life.

Times of glory: Dennis Stock, Elliot Erwitt, Esther Bubbley, Robert Frank, Ruth Orkin ... The prestigious Life Young Photographers Contest became a springboard for future world class photographers. John G. Morris worked with vast majority of them, editing their best pictures for decades.

Which were in your opinion the basic ingredients that turned Life into the best weekly picture magazine publication in the world during its existence between 1936 and 1972?

John G. Morris: To begin with, it excelled at its world picture coverage and quick distribution through newsstands in less than a week. We always looked for the best photographers and the quality and impact of the pictures were the core of the success, along with well thought captions, because it was more important to write appropriate words than measuring them.

As to pictures, there was a moment in which to be a Life photographer was a symbol of excellence.

Besides, Life reigned supreme when it came to photographs, because newspapers were faster but were then in need of the coherent display space and high quality of reproduction, without forgetting that it was always of top paramount importance for Life to find the most appropriate images to follow narrative of the stories.

Needless to say that vast majority of times Life worked with original negatives or high quality master prints, in such a way that when sometimes it republished the best newspapers pictures, readers frequently thought they were seeing them for the first time.

During its thirty-two years of existence between 1936 and 1972, Life was the best weekly picture magazine in the world.

To keep a steadfast high quality, each editor was asked to fulfil overproduction in his own department, in such a way that two or three new picture stories were ready every week. And it was top priority that the photographs were great.

On the other hand, during second half of thirties, Life Magazine opened its doors to many top-notch European photographers fleeing from Fascism, who found in United States a second homeland where develop better future professional opportunities.

It must also be added that Life was printed in first class heavily coated paper with a quality / price ratio virtually unbeatable, with a selling price of ten cents for readers

And last but not least, we must bear in mind that from the scratch Life had a formidable directive team constituted by the famous trio Wilson Hicks, Daniel Longwell and John Shaw Billings. Hicks was the executive director whose task was assigning photographers; Longwell, the other executive editor, had great talent to create ideas able to fill some magazines; and managing editor Billings selected the stories to run.

Subsequently, a fourth man would join them: the great Edward K.Thompson, in my viewpoint probably the best picture editor in history, and under whose long tenure Life would reach many of its halcyon days. One example will suffice to prove his mastery in his work: Alfred Eisenstaedt
once said to me that he could read a picture from an upside down negative while in the sodium hyposulfite as fixing agent. Ed, who began his career in Life in 1937 as assistant picture editor, was a great professional with a tremendous knowledge on photographs and loved by everybody and his image with his turned up sleeves when watching pictures became an identity sign of Life through many years, subsequently becoming managing editor and editor in chief until his retirement in 1970.

John G. Morris working at his home in Paris, inside his impressive library containing a very comprehensive assortment of books on the best photographers in history. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.

Who were the photographers that mostly impressed you during your stage as Life Magazine picture editor?

John G. Morris: There were many.

Alfred Eisenstadt was truly a great photographer, the first who was hired by Harry R. Luce for the Life staff. He came to United States from Germany in 1935, in his forties, and featuring a very high expertise acquired during his activity for Pacific and Atlantic, the Berlin affiliate of Associated Press, for which he had worked as a photojournalist since 1929, making pictures of world celebrities like Charles Chaplin, Gloria Swanson, Sergei Rachmaninoff, Yehudi Menuhin, Richard Strauss, Jascha Heifetz, Marlene Dietrich, George Bernard Shaw, aside from political events during thirties, the League of Nations in Geneva, Mussolini greeting Hitler in Venice and different social reportages like the prostitutes of Les Halles and the High Society in Saint Moritz.

Highly inspired by Dr Erich Salomon, Eisie was the very embodiment of Life, very energetic, always enthusiast and exceedingly deft conveying the essence of a story in a single image, very often capturing his subjects unguarded and bringing about a sense of intimacy.

Carl Mydans, who was sent in 1939 to cover the heroic Finnish defense against the Soviet Union.

Phillippe Halsman, who was a flagship contributor, managing to get more than one hundred covers, including his portrait of Albert Einstein, who was used for a U.S postage stamp.

Dmitri Kessel, who had worked in Life since 1937, and specialized in big photographic productions like the wedding of the Shah of Iran, the Sistine Chapel.

Peter Stackpole, whose real interest lay in shooting the most important Hollywood movie stars, though he could great pictures of almost anything. For instance, he made a wonderful Golden Gate Bridge photograph which made Life cover and before working for Life, he had shot a series for Time with candid pictures of former president Herbert Hoover taking a nap on a commencement platform.

Elliot Elisofon, who made pictures of the evacuation of U.S citizens of Japanese descent from the West Coast to detention camps, after the attack on Pearl Harbor and would subsequently become one of the best II World War photographers. Even, I covered with him the first desert
manoeuvers of General George S. Patton First Armoured Division. Later on, he made great reportages in Africa between 1947 and 1973, where he took roughly 80,000 images about the life on that continent.

Eliot Elisofon, Myron Davis, John Phillips, Peter Stackpole, William Vandivert and many more famous Life photojournalists had always confidence in John G. Morris´s wise picture editing ability as a support in their careers.

When were you transferred to Life Hollywood Bureau?

John G. Morris: It was during the spring of 1941, when Ed Thompson told me that Harry R. Luce had decided to send me to Life in Los Angeles, because they needed to foster the magazine scope in that area, specially the photographic one related to blossoming Hollywood industry and its world famous movie stars.

I made a long train trip with my wife Dèle from New York to Los Angeles, crossing the U.S.

On arriving at Los Angeles Union Railway Station, we were greeted by Dick Pollard, Life Hollywood correspondent, who took us by car to Time/Life office beyond Beverly Hills, in Sunset Boulevard.

This Californian stage was fairly interesting for me. Life had enormous prestige and power in Hollywood, and nothing less than thirty-three Life photographers covered the movies during the 36 years of lifespan of the legendary weekly magazine: the already quoted Peter Stackpole pioneering the candid approach to movie reports and featuring a unique ability to charming his
way into the most difficult contexts; Bob Landry, who made the remarkable picture of Rita Hayworth in a black lace nightgown for Magda Maskel, press agent for Columbia Pictures, and many more.

David Scherman and Margaret Bourke-White´s pictures were also very frequently edited by John G. Morris, who could realize the astounding high quality of prints attained by Bourke-White with her large format Graflex 4 x 5 cameras.

Margaret Bourke-White was known for the very high standards of quality she always wished for her prints. Did you have the chance of watching it during your stay in Life?

John G. Morris: Yes. She had a special contract with Life, through which she was given a personal darkroom, two qualified printers and two assistants.

Before being hired by Harry R. Luce for Life in 1937 (one of the first four photographers working for Life together with Alfred Eisenstaedt, McAvoy and Peter Stackpole), during her stage as an industrial photographer for Fortune magazine (also hired by Luce) she had already made extraordinary pictures in the Soviet Union between 1931-1933, and many of her enlargements on
photographic paper made from her large format 4 x 5 negatives shot in Magnitogorsk blast furnaces were perhaps the world spearhead in quality, along with the pictures made by Lewis Hine of the Empire State Building construction between March 1930 and May 1931.

But since her arrival to Life, Margaret Bourke-White strove after getting an even bigger technical thoroughness and imposing level of quality in her prints.

She was a full-fledged overshooter, ordering excellent 11 x 14 inch enlargements from complete large format 4 x 5 negatives, though she was flexible if the editors needed to crop something her pictures.

It was truly a relish to use Margaret Bourke-White´s pictures for publishing in Life magazine, because either working from her original black and white negatives or amazing big prints, it allowed to preserve a great deal the quality of image also on the top class heavily coated paper of the publication. Results were fantastic.

However, this was a very interested period in which albeit vast majority of life photographers continued to use large format 4 x 5 cameras (mainly the mythical Speed Graphics ), the small and lightweight 35 mm Leica rangefinder cameras with their top-notch high luminosity lenses, were beginning to prove their unsurpassed aptitude for photojournalism and handheld shots without flash, it being epitomized within Life by Alfred Eisenstaedt and Thomas D. McAvoy, the latter having taken already in 1934 a candid series for Time, revealing the casual things President Franklin D. Roosevelt did at his desk while signing a trade agreement: reading a letter, whispering to his secretary, lighting a cigarette, smoking, etc, and he captured it all with a Leica, while the regular White House photographers were making the traditional, posed "just one more" s with their 9 pounds large format Speed Graphics and flash. They kidded McAvvoy about shooting " in the dark ", without a flash, using only available light, but they all ate their hats when Time ran three pages.

Paris, 2009. John G. Morris holds in his hand a portrait of Robert Capa made in the French capital by Ruth Orkin in 1952. Fifty-seven years later, Bob´s glorious photographic legacy is more alive than ever, as was always wished by his brother Cornell. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza

When did you know Robert Capa?

John G. Morris: It was in October 1939, when Bob arrived in New York with his mother Julia Friedmann, his brother Cornell and his wife Edith. They lived in a brownstone on West Eighty-ninth Street in New York. Robert Capa was already a famous photographer and Cornell worked in the lab of Pix, which was Bob´s agency. This house became soon a rendezvous point for many future photographers like Eileen Darby, Ralph Morse, Yale Joel, Phil Schultz, and sometimes up to twenty-seven people gathered.


Is it true that you once directed Alfred Hitchcock in Los Angeles?

John G. Morris: Yes, shortly after Pearl Harbour, the White House suggested that Life dramatize the jeopardies of loose talk, so Sid James, Los Angeles Bureau chief, and me enlisted Alfred Hitchcock, who was willing to create a fictional story titled Have you heard? with the basic message "Loose lips sink ships" based on a starting false rumour, followed by a true one which reaches Axis ears. For the next scene, we chose a bar in Santa Monica where a spy hears by chance a talk on departing troopship. Remembering that Hitchcock usually took part fleetingly in his films, I cast him as a bartender, a role he kindly performed.

The pictures were made by Eliot Elisofon.

John G. Morris, picture editor at the Life office in London during the D-Day, June 6, 1944. Photo: John G. Morris Collection.

When did you go to London as Life picture editor during Second World War?

John G. Morris: It was in October of 1943, after a short stage in Washington from February 1943 relieving Life´s Washington D.C editor Ray Mackland. But I desired to approach more to the action, and it dawned on me that there was going to be a need for a similar post in London, where the buildup of forces for the opening of a second front was already under way.

Wilson Hicks had bestowed upon me the title of Life London Picture editor, telling me: " Never forget, John, that you´re in charge. It´s your neck if we don´t get those pictures on the big day ". He was referring to D-Day in order to keep me alert, because the following year on June, having the pictures of that journey action with the Allied forces landing on European soil would be one of the most important missions in history.

Time & Life Ltd office was on Dean Street in Soho and had around 35 employees.

The Life´s photojournalists assigned to coverage the D-Day, posing a week before the massive attack on Normandy beaches: Bob Landry, George Rodger, Frank Scherschel, Robert Capa, Ralph Morse, John G. Morris and David E. Scherman. Photo: Life Magazine.

Who were the Life photographers you worked in London with the months before June 16, 1944, during the D-Day and the following weeks?

John G. Morris: During my stay in the British capital I worked with a great team made up by six great Life photographers: David Scherman, Bob Landry, Frank Scherschel, George Rodger, Ralph Morse and Robert Capa.They all sported a lot of previous experience as war photojournalists.

Frank Scherschel was a photographer boasting a great technical background, always in the cutting edge of the new technological breakthroughs, and during thirties, had formed with "Eddie" Farber a legendary binomium in the Milwaukee Journal, adapting Harold Edgerton´s MIT strobe technology to press cameras. After the outbreak of the II World War, he had been four months in the North Atlantic, covering supply convoys during the German blockade of Leningrad, including a very dangerous voyage to Murmansk, and also made frequent hazardous coverage of the Eighth Air Force, flying a lot of missions with B-26 bombers to top secret targets across the channel.He had arrived in London in August 1943 to cover the U.S 8th Air Force, which was flying with the Royal Air Force in massive air attacks. Even, Frank Scherschel flew once making pictures from inside a B-17 bomber in a mission to Stuttgart in which thirty-five U.S aircraft were destroyed by German flak and fighter attacks.

Frank Scherschel and George Rodger developed an intense activity for Life during the II World War and his pictures were very often edited by John G. Morris. Scherschel has shot the crowd protecting themselves as they can on the floor of the Pont D´Arcole while Vichy snipers are firing from some roofs in the middle Charles de Gaulle Paris Liberation Parade in August 29, 1944, while George Rodgers has photographed in London the moment in which some firemen and civilians help to transport a casualty of a German V-1 flying bomb which has just exploded in City downtown.

Bob Landry had been photographing the unprecedented buildup of munitions and supplies for the invasion, and before it, he had been the only press photographer with the Pacific Fleet during the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour, following with the coverage of the British Eighth Army´s desert combats against Erwin Rommel, an essay on South Africa, a reportage on the invasion of Sicily by American troops and managing to make four Life covers.

Robert Landry, Fremont´s best, another outstanding Life photographer, who made five covers during his first year. John G. Morris had met him in July 1941 in Los Angeles, when he was already a famous Hollywood celebrities photographer, though later on he turned into a versatile photojournalist, whose images were very often edited by John G. Morris. He was the only Life photographer who was in Pearl Harbour during the Japanese attack on December 7, 1941, and from then on he would make a lot of stories, both in the Pacific Theatre and in Europe. Here he has captured the moment in which some French Resistance men are surrounding a collaborationist.

Ralph Morse had endured the hardships of Guadalcanal Battle and had taken one of the most gruesome images ever published by Life: A Japanese soldier´s skull on a tank as a trophy of war.

George Rodger had joined the Life staff in 1940, during the Battle of Britain, and had been covering the war in three continents.

David Scherman had been in London since 1941, specializing in luxurious photo essays enhancing the values the Allies were fighting for.

John Florea and Ralph Morse, other two important Life photographers who were immersed in the maelstrom of II World War. John G. Morris along with Sidney L. James, Life assistant managing editor in Los Angeles, were Florea´s discoverers, having been testing him shortly before Pearl Harbor attack, while Ralph Morse had been since the end of 1939 one of Capa´s many friends who often gathered at the West Eighty-ninth Street brownstone in New York, and would gain fame thanks to his coverage of Guadalcanal Battle and specially the story of a wounded soldier injured in Europe and treated in French and English hospitals, one of the best ever appeared in Life. John G. Morris was decisive in convincing Wilson Hicks in November 1944, after coming back to New York with Morse´s pictures, to publish that story.

From my arrival in London, I realized that the Allied invasion of Western Europe was a lot of months ahead, so I focused on stories related to the great amassing of troops for it. For example, in February 1943 I flew to Belfast (Northern Ireland) with Frank Scherschel to cover the 101st Airborne Division, in the middle of great security measures, because keeping the secret was essential.

Robert Capa arrived in London in late February 1944, coming from Italy, where he had done eight successive stories on the Allies´ Italian campaign. He had previously shot in September of 1936, during the Spanish Civil War, the picture of a lifetime, one of the most important images in the history of photography, depicting a Spanish loyalist anarchist militiaman just at the moment in which he is killed by an enemy bullet piercing his heart. It was firstly published in French magazine Vu on September 23, 1936 and a year later in Life. From then on, Capa, a Paris-based freelancer until the end of 1939, would make ten trips to Spain during the civil conflict, apart from having visied China in January 1938 with Dutch moviemaker Joris Ivens, making outstanding stories on the battle for Tai ´erzhuang (Xuzhou Front) between Chinese and Japanese troops in April 1938, along with a series made by Capa during the Japanese air raids on Hankow on July 19, 1938 ( published in Life October 17, 1938) including four images printed from Kodachrome slides shot by Bob, probably the first color pictures of war ever published.

Robert Capa D-DAY, a very interesting book essentially being Capa´s image story of that landing, with text both in English and French. It´s a treat to read and watch alike, and John G. Morris explains in it all the circumstances related to the absolutely important mission attained by Robert Capa: the taking of real combat action pictures during the Allied D-Day landing on French beaches to open a Second Front in Europe and the subsequent sending of those photographs to United States before the deadline for Life June 19, 1944 number.

What happened exactly with the four strips of 35 mm negatives taken by Capa in Omaha Beach on D-Day while some American soldiers managed to advance and others were killed by machine gun fire?

John G. Morris: Surely you refer to the darkroom accident in London. That Tuesday June 6, 1944 was the most fidgety day one can imagine. After a lot of previous months waiting for it, Life needed as soon as possible, with maximum urgency, pictures of the first landings on the beaches of Normandy. We were perfectly aware that a lot of men would be killed while trying to put their feet on the French shores, and the photographers would share great death risk with combatants. Stress was indescribable inside Life office in London.

The whole Tuesday until well advanced the night, we were waiting but there weren´t any pictures.

Acme Newspictures´s Bert Brandt came with a non interesting picture of a very quiet landing on a point of the Frencg coast, made from the bow of the landing vessel he was on board. It was too static and lacking impact.

On the other hand, none of the six AP photographers landed that day.

Bob Landry reported that he had lost his shoes and his film.

So, we did utterly depend on Bob. However incredible it may seem, the most important photographic assignment in the history of the empire created by Harry R. Luce, and for which a lot of photographers from different media had been preparing for months in London and United States, was in the hands of only one photographer.

We knew that Capa had secretly reported to the headquarters of the 1st Infantry Division´s Regiment on a country state near Weymouth and was given permission to board the U.S Coast Guard transport Samuel Chase, and there he had found officers studying a giant model of a French beach codenamed " Omaha", but we didn´t know whether he had landed or not. We could only hope that he had been able to make the absolutely important pictures, capturing live action and to come back alive.

All the Life personnel, specially the darkroom staff composed by five men, and me were increasingly nervous and could barely sleep the night of June 6, 1944. We hadn´t any good picture of the D-Day yet.

The following morning of June 7, 1944 there wasn´t any news. The anxiety was bigger and bigger. Life magazine needed desperately those pictures. Hours ticked away, until at around 6:30 in the evening there was a telephone call from a channel port: Capa´s spools were on their way to London and were supposed to be at Life office within one or two hours.

Approximately at 9:00 in the night, a sweating messenger arrived with Capa´s package: six rolls of 6 x 6 cm format film that he had shot in England and during the crossing of the English Channel and four spools of 35 mm films, the most important ones, made by Bob with a Contax II rangefinder camera, and in which the action photographs were.


At the same time, Bob had included a handwritten note explaining that picture taking conditions had been very rough, that he had been bound to come back to England with evacuated wounded soldiers and that he was returning to Normandy.

Very fast, our lab chief Braddy gave the four 35 mm spools to Dennis Bank to develop them. Photographer Hans Wild looked at them wet and called me to say that though grainy they looked great. I answered him that we needed the contacts as soon as possible, because I had all Life managing editors waiting for them.

Some minutes later, Dennis Bank came running up the stairs, wholly disturbed, crying and shouting that all Capa´s film are was ruined! I couldn´t believe his words and went down at full blast to the darkroom with him, where he explained to me that he had hung the films, as always, in the wooden locker used as a drying cabinet which was heated by a coil on the floor, but because of my order to make everything as soon as possible, he had become nervous and had inadvertently closed the doors, so the lack of ventilation had melted the black and white emulsion.

I decided to check the four rolls holding them up one after the other. In three of them, all the frames had gone, but on the fourth roll there were eleven frames with perfectly discernible images. And what´s more, the apparent grain - Bob took the pictures at dawn - was decisive in making them among the most dramatic war photographs ever made.


There was very little time left to deliver Capa´s pictures before the nine o´clock in the morning of June 8, 1944 deadline for Life magazine most important issue ever, which was bound to be in newsstands on June 19, 1944, with a portrait of General Dwight G. Eisenhower, Supreme Allied Commander, as cover and whose content epicenter would be Bob´s images taken live in full battle during the first landings on Omaha beach, so I ran at full speed through London taking with me Capa´s photographs and some hundred pictures made by Dave Scherman of matters just before the landing, and running into the Service Supply Headquarters I managed to give everything to a courier a few minutes before 9:00 h of Thursday June 8, 1944.


Two days later, just after Life´s Saturday night close, the editors cabled to us in London: " Today was one of the great picture days in Life´s office, when Bob Capa´s beachlanding and other shots arrived".

How was the Paris Day of Liberation?

John G. Morris: It was on August 25, 1944. There was great joy everywhere. I was still in London, but all six Life photographers entered the French capital that day.

August 25, 1944: Liberation of Paris Military Parade.
Robert Capa and the Time/Life chief correspondent Charles Wetenbaker rode into Paris in the second jeep after General Leclerc. George Rodger also entered with the French.

But ease was not complete at all. Though General Omar Bradley had given strict orders to his commanders, forbidding the use of artillery which would turn Paris into ruins, the German troops were not totally cooperative, and many garrisons held out with soldiers heavily armed with machine guns and grenades.

Though Paris was liberated without battle for the city as had happened with so many other cities during II World War, there were frequent skirmishes with snipers until August 30, 1944. Here we can see a G.I watching some balconies while two Red Cross women walk through the street.

General von Choltitz surrendering French General Leclerc and the Resistance leader Henry Rol-Tanguy at the Gare Montparnasse on August 25, 1944.

There was still combat action. Capa went quickly to photograph the French Resistance and French marines storming the Chamber of Deputies; David Scherman arrived at the Gare Montparnasse in which General von Choltitz, after having surrendered, would take orders from General Charles de Gaulle; and Ralph Morse shot the capture of German prisoners under the
Eiffel Tower.

That weekend in London, I edited the roughly 1300 frames taken by Life photographers during the Liberation of Paris, sending the best pictures to New York.

Life number of September 18, 1944, which included many pictures on both the Liberation of Paris and the previous skirmishes, made in Paris by different Life photographers and some underground French ones, and edited by John G. Morris after his arrival at the French capital on August 30, 1944.

When did you arrive in Paris and which remembrances have you got of first stay in 1944?

John G. Morris: I had to go to Paris because the events which were taking place there were very significant. A lot of famous and interesting people were gathering there and it was necessary to make pictures of as many things as possible and above all to coordinate everything operating as picture editor in Paris in the same way I had made it in London. Besides, I needed to contact with French photographers, specially those who had risked their lives to work underground during the German occupation.

On August 29, 1944 I took a twin engine courier aircraft and landed in the morning around 160 miles from Paris. Hitchhiking in Army jeeps and command cars I managed to reach Paris well after midnight, sleeping at the Hôtel Scribe, which was now accomodating Allied correspondents.

The next day, I came across Bob and Wert in a large room on the first floor which had been turned into Time/Life office.

Capa, Walton and the Wertenbakers quickly moved to quarters in the more select Hôtel Lancaster, though Hôtel Scribe went on being the press headquarters until the end of the war, and his bar was often frequented by William L. Shirer, Ernest Hemingway, the New Yorker correspondents Janet Flanner and Joe Liebling, Time/Life photographers Lee Miller and David Scherman.

On August 31, 1944, Bob told me: " I have a friend who will help you. He´s a photographer from Paris and can speak English. He already knows New York. His name is Henri Cartier-Bresson. He has been living underground in Paris during the German occupation and he knows everybody".

John G. Morris with Henri Cartier-Bresson. Photo: René Burri.

The next day in the morning, at the door of Hôtel Scribe, Bob introduced me a thin young man with blue eyes and a soft voice who had come on his bicycle. He was Henri Cartier-Bresson. He was already a famous photographer from before the war, but I was nicely surprised by his great cordiality and modesty, offering himself to find French underground photographers who had made pictures in German ruled Paris between 1940 and 1944.

This way, Henri Cartier-Bresson introduced me to Robert Doisnaeu (who gave me pictures of Paris inhabitants breaking up pavements to make barricades), René Zuber and Pierre Roughol (who supplied photos of men and women on barricades and a housewife with helmet, pistol and two hand grenades) and Roger Benson (who delivered me a picture of a Resistance sniper on a rooftop).

Even, Henri Cartier-Bresson took me to his family´s apartment in Paris, at 31 rue de Lisbonne, near the Parc Monceau in the Eighth Arrondisement, and later on, he took me to meet Brassai.

David Seymour "Chim" was also in Paris. When we met, he asked me about the whereabouts of his friends Capa and Cartier-Bresson and if they were alive. I told him that both of them were alive and also in Paris, and suggested him to come that very afternoon to a coacktail party I had been invited by Bob and would be held at the apartment of Michel de Brunhoof, editor of Paris Vogue.

Times of Glory. The Paris 1944 mythical cocktail party at the Vogue editor Michel de Brunhoff ´s apartment, with presence of Robert Capa, David Seymour "Chim", Henri Cartier-Bresson, Lee Miller, Bob Landry, John G. Morris (behind Robert Capa), etc. Photo: John G. Morris Collection.

This was a wonderful meeting, because there were a lot of hugs and toasts. Henri Cartier-Bresson, Capa, Chim, Bob Landry, Lee Miller and me. There were three of the four main photographers (George Rodger was in Belgium with the Bristish Forces) who a few years later would create Magnum Agency.

Some days after this party, Capa went to Toulouse with Wertenbaker to make contact with Spanish exiles who were plotting Francisco Franco overthrow. George Rodger and Ralph Morse had respectively been covering the British and Patton´s Third Army offensive, needed to rest and to attain it, they were relieved by John Florea and George Silk, who had just arrived from United States.

How was your meeting with Marlene Dietrich in Paris in 1944?

John G. Morris: I heard that Marlene Dietrich had arrived in Paris to entertain the troops, and I thought it could be a good story. I phoned her at the Hotel Ritz where she was. I explained her things and she told me to stop by. When I arrived at the Ritz desk of Place Vendôme, they said: " Miss Dietrich will be right down". A few minutes later, she walked down the stairs, greeted me and said that she had a date with Willie Wylder, but he hadn´t appeared yet, so we could go to the bar and talk. This way, we went to the famous little bar on the rue Cambon side of the Ritz.

It was crowded with a mixture of military officers and bylines, but with Marlene Dietrich on my arm, both of us were quickly given a table. Her presence, as always, irradiated elegance, glamour and charm.

She told me how glad she was to return to Paris, her old home, after a lot of years, and began talking about different friends in New York, Hollywood and London. She was really at ease, and constantly repeated " dear, dear Paris ".

Finally, Willie Wyler arrived, greeted Marlene Dietrich and me and sat down beside us. Shortly after, I said them good-bye in order that they could speak about their matters.

How was your life as a picture editor going on after coming back to Life New York from Paris?

John G. Morris: On November 20, 1944, I came back to United States on military piston engine propelled planes. It was a twenty-six hour voyage until I landed at La Guardia Airport in New York.

On arriving at Life office, Wilson Hicks greeted me warmly, and before Christmas Life published a great story with Raph Morse´s pictures I had brought with me, showing a wounded soldier from the moment of his arrival at a battalion aid station in Lorraine through treatment at field hospitals in France and England. Morse would follow him home.

Shortly after, my next assignment was the Chicago Bureau, as Life MidWestern editor, though not for a long time.

The war in Europe hadn´t finished yet and Life photographers kept on making pictures and risking their lives.

Hitler had launched a great offensive in the Ardennes, and tremendous engagements began between American and German units in what would be known as the Battle of the Bulge. Bob was there and was about to be killed by a G.I who suspected he was German, because some hundred English speaking SS men had infiltrated in our lines with American uniforms.

After this, Capa jumped with American paratroops, crossing the Rhine and making a lot of action pictures, including " The last man to die" in Leipzig, when he captured an American machine gunner on a balcony, killed by a German sniper.

John Florea documented the grisly "Malmedy massacre", when an SS officer ordered the execution of 159 American prisoners, and along with George Silk, he pursued the retreating Wehrmacht.

Bill Vandivert met the Russians at the Elbe river and went on to Berlin, entering Hitler´s bunker.

George Rodger photographed the surrender of the German armies in the north to General Montgomery.

At last, war came to an end in Europe on May 8, 1945, but many thousands of Americans were dying in the Pacific in the war against Japan.

I was reported that Eugene Smith had been about to be killed by mortar fire in Okinawa on May 21 1945 and was in hospital very seriously wounded.

My real problem was what next assignments I could do for Life, because though I had the utter support of Ed Thompson, I couldn´t now in which city or country I´d work as picture editor, since I had left the Chicago Bureau of Life when I was called to briefly collaborate with Impact magazine as picture editor, with the purpose of enhancing the morale and effectiveness of aircrews still fighting in the Pacific Theatre, and now, Life and Time were facing a massive return of employees who had gone to the armed forces, without forgetting the return of many war correspondents from overseas.

In 1946, Bruce and Beatrice Gould, editors of Ladies´ Home Journal, then the best magazine in the world for women and also a legendary publication in terms of high quality in all conceivable parameters and originality, chose you as a picture editor of their beloved publication. Which did this new professional activity mean for you?

John G, Morris: It was an unexpected turn in my work, both regarding topics and the way of working, which allowed me to acquire further experience.

It all began when Roger Butterfield, national affairs editor of Life, told me that the owners of Ladies´ Home Journal were looking for a good picture man.

I mentioned the idea to Ed Thompson and he convinced me to accept, saying that it was the best magazine of the Curtis Group.

This magazine was highly innovative and pioneering at its time, because it addressed women followers in the millions and proclaimed itself "the magazine women believe in". The standard of quality was amazing, with top-notch photographers, formidable illustrators led by Al Parker, very good quality of paper and reproduction of images and a high number of pages, often exceeding two hundred. It was greatly made in an artisan way, with great love and hard work by all the staff.

Bruce and Beatrice Gould edited and lived the Ladies´ Home Journal for twenty seven years between 1935 and 1962.

The magazine frontispieces had traditionally favoured fashions, brides and babies, but I introduced a new look offering photographers 2,000 dollars for each cover accepted - plus a 500 dollars fee to the woman - of unknown American beauties, young women who were not professional models.

The first one for a Ladies´ Home Journal Cover was a Ruth Orkin´s candid 35 mm color slide of a New York housewife called Geraldine Dent buying in a fruit and vegetable stand. I chose for the March 1950 number one picture in which she forgot that she was being photographed when her bag of fruit was broken. It was a great success, quickly solding out.

The famous cover of Ladies´ Home Journal March 1950 number with picture made by photographer Ruth Orkin of a New York housewife. It was a great success based on a John G. Morris´s idea of showing non professional models, and at he same time it was one of the first covers to clearly prove the superb quality a 35 mm Kodachrome slide was able to deliver, a path which was pioneered twelve years before by the Kodachrome slides shot by Walter Bosshard and Robert Capa in Yan´an (China) in 1938 and published by Life in its August 8 number of that year.

The Goulds, Mary Bass and me had got three operation bases: New York, Philadelphia and the Pennsylvania Railroad with trains every hour in both directions. Though most of the work was made in New York, on Thursday we used to take the 8:00 o´clock train to Philadelphia, while at least two editors came from that city to New York every week to make the rounds of agents and authors.

We went on keeping the basic framework of the magazine (with the best feasible presentation of special features enabling to sell the magazine, like the one depicting Princesses Elizabeth and Margaret at Buckingham Palace, but the story being reported by Marion Crawford, the governess who raised both of them), but I hired Dave Stech as art director. He was a kind of magician in his work, letting the design flow from pictures and not inversely on a previously thought pattern.

I fought in order that the photographers had more and more specific weight in the posh Ladies´ Home Journal magazine.

In 1947, I edited a series titled "Baby´s First Year", with pictures made by photographer Wayne Miller. It began with images of the birth of Miller´s third child, and from there on I asked him to record every major event of the new babay´s first twelve months. It was a toil for a whole year but it paid off and the magazine went on greatly increasing its sales.

Later on, we made a story called " The Unwed Mother " based on the then statistic that inside USA, out of every twelve babies there was one born out of marriage. And to illustrate it, I rented twelve high chairs and booked eleven one year old children with authorization of their parents, along with one baby born out of wedlock. All were gathered for a group portrait in Gjon Mili´s
Twenty- third studio in New York. Nobody was told who was the baby brought to life outside marriage. Mili proved once more his tremendous mastery of artificial lighting, the photograph was great and the caption was "One of these babies was born out of wedlock". It was a very simple picture editorial, but it worked, conveying a message of sympathy with all the twelve beautiful babies without an exception.

One day, the Goulds told me that they wanted to offer the readers a vision of life as it was being lived in America at that moment in all aspects related to food, habits, wears, daily worries, etc.

So was born the series called How America Lives. To achieve it we had to choose people from different area of the States, with the constant challenge of winning their confidence and being able to go into their homes.

Mary Bass produced this series, who needed highly throroughly coordinated teamwork, with previous labor of a researcher and once a family was selected, a writer and a photographer were assigned to the main story.

This project had been pioneered in 1940 by the great Martin Munkacsi, the Hungarian genius photographer who was hired by Ladies´ Home Journal for 4,000 dollars per story, and shot roughly sixty-five families until 1946.

Mary Bass showed me an assortment of astounding prints made by Alfonso Iannelli of the family made up by a coal miner, his wife and seven children living in a four room hut in Harlan County (Kentucky), spending some weeks with the family.

Pictures were so good that Iannelli and me could do the layout of the eight page story which resulted in a milestone for the Ladies´ Home Journal.

This sort of journalism was utterly different to the one I made in Life, where commonplace was covering the extraordinary, not the usual.

Each photographer wanting to submit stories for How America Lives series, was offered 1,500 dollars per portfolio plus expenses if accepted, with full support of the Goulds, who believed that " the best journalism is that one showing life as it is".

For this great project I chose photographers more for their sensitivity and ability to develop a rapport with people than for their technical talent, something in which great photographers like Esther Bubbley, Alfonso Iannelli, and Sol Libsohn excelled while working for Ladies´ Home Journal, though geographical location was important to make work easier, and I hired other great photographers as Victor Jorgensen (Northwest), Gordon Coster and Myron Davies (Midwest), the Hagels brothers (California), etc.

In 1947, the Goulds decided to fulfil the "People are People the World Over" series, which would ran for a complete year in Ladies´ Home Journal and would be also published in the German picture magazine Heute the following year. Within some years, Edward Steichen inspired on this in 1955 to make in " The Family of Man", a great photographic exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art of New York.

Another landmark in the history of Ladies´ Home Journal was the great photographic reportage made by Robert Capa titled "Women and Children in Soviet Russia" , with captions by John Steinbeck and published as a sixteen page picture story in the February 1948 number, which was a further great success and sold out very fast.

Capa´s photographs showed an unknown Soviet Union: children playing chess in the park, herding geese, studying piano, traffic policemen, Volga boatmen, farm women dancing barefoot after the harvest, priests, etc. Something very different to the customary propaganda pictures before the II World War of magazines like USSR in Construction or the Sovfoto series from battlefronts during the II World War.

Bob had shot some hundred pictures with black and white film and around twelve rolls of Ektachrome slides, and I chose for the cover one of the color slides showing a peasant woman clad in her babushka, knelt while working in a field and looking directly at the camera.

In 1949, you were invited to teach at the first Missouri Workshop. Which has been in your viewpoint the historical significance of it in the history of photojournalism?

John G. Morris: Decisive, without any doubt, and pioneer in a number of things, to such an extent that it revolutioned the teaching of photojournalism.

Through its 60 years of existence, the Missouri Photo Workshop has become a
world class meeting week of photojournalists who every year set out to document life
in a different city of Missouri State and have to create a picture story idea based on
actual research in the town.
John G. Morris was teaching at the 6th Annual University of Missouri Photo Workshop in Mexico (Missouri) held between 18-24 May 1954, and the morning after the workshop ended an early call by Inge Bondi reported him that Werner Bischof had just died in the Peruvian Andes. That same day in the evening, John G. Morris received a long distance call from a Life foreign news researcher telling him that Robert Capa had just died in Thai Bhin (Vietnam) after stepping on a mine.


In the spring of 1949, Roy Striker told me that he needed my help in Missouri to give classes in the first program of photography and photojournalism created by the University of Missouri´s School of Journalism founded by Professor Cliff Cedric Edom. This was for me a great honor.

The POYi (Pictures of the Year International) is the oldest and most prestigious photojournalism program in the world, and it launches every year its Annual Photojournalism Competition. It was founded in 1944 by Professor Cliff Edom and his wife Vi, who also founded the College Photographer of the Year in 1945.

In association with the National Press Photographers Association, it was quickly created a national competition for Pictures of the Year, which has kept on till currently.

The University of Missouri Photo Workshop has been holding for 61 years, with more than 2,000 student photographers.

That 1949 Workshop was unforgettable: Edom and Stryker had also invited Rus Arnold, a great lighting expert and portrait photographer, and Harold Corsini, an Standard Oil freelancer, while the picture editors were Stan Kalish of the Milwaukee Journal and me.

Broadway and Eight in Downtown Columbia, Missouri, where the first University of Missouri Photo Workshop was held in 1949. John G. Morris was one of the teachers invited to that event.

We had twenty-three students from various areas of United States, most of them using 4 x 5 large format and 6 x 6 cm medium format cameras and only one worked with 35 mm film.

Cliff Edom put the basic premise: to capture truth with the camera, no setups, telling things as they were, letting the stories develop, watching and being respectful with subjects´ intimacy.

Every night the faculty selected pictures from the day´s work for projection and debate, and students were also allowed to speak if they wanted, to set forth their aims or ideas, and each Friday all the students were asked to take their pictures and make a magazinelike layout of one to four or even more spreads, trying to achieve coherent form and content supporting the story, after which an open debate on the made layouts developed. It greatly paid off: vast majority of the students took the best pictures of their lives during their weekly stay in the University of Missouri Photo Workshop.

On the other hand, this famous annual event proved also to be instrumental in finding future world class photographers. This happened with the genius Elliot Erwitt, whom I sent as a very brilliant prospect to Roy Striker. Time would give us reason when on November 26, 1951, Erwitt won the second prize of the prestigious Life Young Photographers Contest in its Picture Story
Division.

In 1976, Cliff Edom published a book titled Photojournalism which has become a classic and is taught worldwide. Besides, he has always stated that not only the photographers, but also the picture editors are photojournalist. I do agree with him.

News Pictures of the Year 1951, a classic book edited by Cliff Edom including the most remarkable photographs from the Eighth Annual News Pictures of the Year Competition and Exhibition jointly sponsored then by the University of Missouri School of Journalism and the Encyclopedia Britannica. The number of different topics tackled by the pupils was highly comprehensive and the book also has very good captions.
In 1957, this competition merged with one hosted by the National Press Photographers Association.
It´s also important to underline the significant role performed by Vi Edom in the development of the University of Missouri Photo Workshop, firstly as a team with his husband Cliff, and after his death in 1991, keeping on her annual attendance until the 50th MPW in Boonville in 1998, being awarded the Gold Medal Award of the Missouri School of Journalism and an Honorary Life Membership in the National Press Photographers Association.

Which did Korea War mean for photojournalism?

John G. Morris: That war was covered with great intensity by photographers like David Douglas Duncan and Carl Mydans, who used top quality fast Japanese Nippon Kogaku lenses on German RF bodies , which gave a new technical dimension to 35 mm camera reportage, though they were going on using black and white film for its greater technical flexibility than colour.

John Rich also made more than a thousand excellent colour Kodachrome photographs with a Japanese Nikon rangefinder camera and lenses given to him by the Nikon president while visiting the factory with David Douglas Duncan (who also received a camera and some lenses) in 1950, and during his three years covering the Korean war, he made these images, unknown till last year, are a clear example of why photographers had a such a big penchant for Kodachrome slides with its vibrant crimsons and garnets, and an assortment of them appeared in November 2008 number of Smithsonian Magazine.

The Korean War gave a new technical dimension to 35 mm reportage, with the advent of the excellent Japanese Nippon Kogaku rangefinder cameras along with their top quality lenses, the latter ones often beating the best Leitz and Carl Zeiss Jena RF lenses at that moment, as proved by David Douglas Duncan in black and white and John Rich with Kodachromes. John G. Morris met David Douglas Duncan during forties, and realizing his talent,
recommended him to Life executive editor Wilson Hicks, who after Duncan´s
brilliant combat reportages in the South Pacific during II World War, subsequently
hired him in 1946 also urged by J. R. Eyerman, Life´s chief photographer. Later on,
David Douglas Duncan would publish a great book titled This is War! (1951)
including his best pictures taken during the Korean War. John G. Morris met him
again during the August 5-9,1968 Republican National Convention in Miami, where
Duncan was invited by Nixon to photograph the meeting of party leaders who
elected Maryland Governor Spiro Agnew as Vicepresident candidate.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.


On the other hand, censorship was not highly stringent, and it allowed photojournalists to report atrocities by both sides.

But above all, this war meant a change in the American notion of the war,mainly thanks to David Douglas Duncan´s Life reportage on the retreat of American troops from the border of North Korea just before 1950 Christmas, which clearly depicted their suffering.

When did you begin to work as Magnum Agency picture editor?

John Morris: It was in early January 1953, when I resigned from the Ladies´ Home Journal, receiving at every moment warm support from the Goulds after eight years working with them.

A Bert Stern 1957 group portrait of Magnum in 1957: Inge Morath, Olga
Brodsky, Allen Brown, Elliot Erwitt, Seemah Battat, Sam Holmes, Trudy Felieu,
Eve Arnold, Erich Hartman, Inge Bondi, Dennis Stock, Ernst Haas, Cornell Capa,
Henri Cartier-Bresson, Burt Glinn and John. G. Morris.


To celebrate my arrival at Magnum, Capa and I met for lunch at the Oak Room of the Plaza Hotel and I was named executive editor.

Already in 1944, during an encounter with George Rodger in the Italian Front, Bob had told George about his postwar dream of a picture agency where photographers would be their own bosses, and retention of negatives would be the basic principle.

The foundation of Magnum had taken place in 1947 by four great photographers: Robert Capa, Henri Cartier-Bresson, David Seymour " Chim ", William Vandivert and George Rodger. Even, Bob invited me on May 22, 1947 to have drinks at Bill and Rita Vandivert´s apartment to celebrate the launch of the international cooperative agency, which had been agreed upon several weeks earlier at the Members´ Penthouse of the Museum of Modern Art, and for some time, Magnum New York office was Bill Vandivert´s studio at Union Square, while Magnum Paris office was Maria Eisner´s (who had founded Alliance Photo in 1934) appartment at 125 rue de Faubourg Saint-Honoré.

The beginnings of Magnum were hard and profits scarce, but with Bob at the helm, his stamina and illusion, they had managed to go ahead, and I had kept contact with Magnum members from the scratch.

In 1948, Henri Cartier-Bresson won his first Overseas Press Club Photographic Competition with his extraordinary reportage made in India covering the last days of life of Mahatma Gandhi and his burial after being assassinated, while "Chim" succeeded in getting a United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) assignment to cover the " Children of Europe" and Capa went firstly to Israel and then to Budapest.

In 1949, Maria Eisner married and came to live to New York. This fostered even more my relationship with Magnum, to such an extent that during my stage in Ladies´ Home Journal, Magnum Paris sold my "People Are People" photographic series to Heute in Germany and a story about the 1950 congressional elections to Epoca in Italy.

Little by little, Magnum had been growing up, and two extraordinary photographers: Werner Bischof and Ernst Haas had joined the four original shareholders.

Bob was determined to ensure Magnum´s future by all means and fought to his physical limit to attain it. Capa always told everybody that " Magnum was doing things right and he not, that after five years of existence Magnum was solvent and he was bankrupt". Until his death in 1954, Bob was always the booster motor of Magnum and his spiritual guide, always being beloved and highly admired by the rest of members. He didn´t want to put Magnum in the hands of businessmen, so he decided to approach someone who shared his journalistic convictions.

Therefore, Bob asked me to be Magnum´s chief executive and told me that I would be paid twice more tha any previous Magnum bureau chief had received and only 2,000 dollars less than my annual salary at Ladies´ Home Journal. My mission would be selling Magnum pictures worldwide, not only to U.S press.

The gamble was risky, but it worked, mainly based, as always, on Bob´s courage and illusion, but also with the labor of a formidable team of photographers making up Magnum staff, namely:
- Ernst Haas had arrived in New York in 1951. I had given him an assignment for " How America Lives ", and some months later he went to New Mexico to make pictures for Magnum " Generation X" project, and then went on making photographs through the whole state shooting Kodachrome slides, though fewer than he wanted because of the high cost of this emulsion then.
Pictures were great, and Sid James, Life´s acting manager editor, gave the story six pages. Haas was a genius, both in black and white and color, but he was a world pioneering in color photography in many respects, a scientist of Kodachrome transparencies. Life editors became highly impressed on watching Ernst Haas´s images, and gave him loads of Kodachrome slides. This was essential for the Austrian genius, because he was steadily researching in-depth the different image properties of Kodachrome slides, which always fascinated him. This way,
something incredible happened: Haas was roaming New York streets for a lot of months with different cameras and shooting tons of his beloved Kodachromes, turning Gotham familar urban scene into photographic poetry, and when he finished, he spent days with light box and projector, editing his thousands of slides into a tray or two, and with his usual thoroughness he rehearsed for the final projection session which was a tremendous success and amazed Ed Thompson to such an extent that he agreed to publish twenty-four color pages divided between two numbers, something unprecedented to that day.

- Eve Arnold had been a student of Alexey Borodovitch, the Harper Bazaar´s art director who taught at the New School for Social Research. She was a great specialist on people and social topics, and through years, managed to capture with her camera the viciousness of senator Joseph McCarthy and movie stars such as Joan Crawford, Marlene Dietrich, James Cagney, Marilyn Monroe, etc.

- Erich Hartman arrived at Magnum in 1951 and got celebrity with his pictures on the Great Lakes in wintertime, which were his first cover and portfolio in Fortune. Later on, he became a preeminent industrial journalist very deft interpreting high-tech subjects.

- Werner Bischof was one of the best photographers in history, an artist of great sensitivity, featuring a penchant for creating intemporal masterpieces. His black and white prints were sublime.

- Burt Glinn was at the beginning working both for Life and Magnum, the latter as a stringer. Within time, he became a full time member and probably the biggest money earner in the history of Magnum, being president three times. Now and then he covered hard news, but he excelled making annual reportages attracting important corporate accounts.

- Elliot Erwitt became one of Magnum´s most succesfull photographers of all time, very brilliant in his versatility, sporting a tremendous talent, and also within time would be president of Magnum.

It was very important to supervise the future of Magnum in Europe, and on May 17, 1953 I flew from New York to Paris. Bob was waiting for me at Orly Airport and took me to Magnum office in Paris. Henri Cartier-Bresson had left Paris the day before for a Holiday assignment, taking with him his wife Elie and Inge Morath as a researcher, and Werner Bischof arrived in Paris on May 19 with his wife Rosellina.

Paris became my operating base, and I started to make the rounds of our agents, clients and photographers in Germany, Italy, Switzerland and England.

My first flight was to Munich, where I was met by Erich Lessing, then Magnum´s Vienna correspondent photographer and later full member, and introduced me to Paula Wehr, the old time agent who then represented Magnum, operating from her home.

John G. Morris speaking with David Seymour "Chim" at Magnum office in 15
West Forty-seventh Street. Photo: Burt Glinn / Magnum Photos.


During my visit to Milan I was with "Chim", who showed me the whole city and introduced me to Arnoldo Mondadori, head of the house that published the picture weekly Epoca magazine. Milan was the epicenter of Italian publishing, and in the same way as with Rome - Italy was a kind of adopted country for him-, "Chim" knew the city better than anybody and had always a very good seat at La Scala.

Coming back to Paris, I stopped in Zurich trying to see Werner Bischof, but he had gone to Finland to make a Holiday assignment, so his wife Rosellina introduced me to some interesting people of the photographic ambients in Switzerland.

Some days later, I knew that Werner Bischof would go to London to cover for Life the coronation of Queen Elizabeth.

In December 1953, Werner and Rosellina Bischof came to New York for the first time and spent Christmas with me and my wife Dèle in our apartment in Armonk. Werner Bischof told us that he wanted to make pictures in North and South America to complement the comprehensive archive he had with images made in Europe and Asia.

At the beginning of 1954, Bob received a great offer by Mainichi, the great Japanese newspaper chain: they wanted to create a magazine called " Camera Mainichi ", and invited him for six weeks. He could shoot different stories at will and all the expenses woulb by paid by them. Besides, Capa would be constantly supplied film and the best latest Japanese cameras and lenses.

Bob accepted the offer and began his flight to Tokyo, stopping shortly in Rome to see friends, including Lauren Bacall.

Since his very arrival to Japan, Capa made a lot of pictures of children everywhere he went. He was happy and wrote a letter to Magnum Paris office in which he said that he loved the country, that making photographs there was exciting and that he had already been given five cameras, fifteen lenses and a lor of bunches of flowers. He also reported that he had made a lot of speeches.

What was the aftermath of the untimely deaths of Robert Capa and Werner Bischof in May 1954?

John G. Morris: That was a very sad, unexpected and harmful situation for Magnum in particular and world photography generally speaking, with the added drama that both Bob and Werner died exactly the same day May 24, 1954, in Thai Binh (Vietnam) and the Peruvian Andes respectively.

Everything began when while having lunch with Ray Mackland of Life, he told me that he had to find a substitute for staff photographer Howard Sochurek, who was covering the war between the French and the Vietminh. Being aware that Capa was in Japan, Mackland asked me if Bob would be willing to make pictures there during the four weeks´ resting period in the States Sochurek needed to recover. He offered 2,000 dollars plus expenses.

I cabled to Bob in Tokyo explaining him the offer, hoping that he would turn him down, and on April 30, 1954, he cabled back to me saying that he accepted the assignment.

I was horrified and decided to call him in Tokyo. The quality of the connection was poor. I yelled him not to go, because that was not our war, and he answered me not to worry because it would be only four weeks.

Capa´s legend was not in Bob´s head. He never considered himself superior to other photographers, but Bob´s competitive instinct was strong. Schurek belonged to a new generation of photographers. David Douglas Duncan was also in Vietnam, so probably he thought he should be there too, as always, getting the pictures approaching his subjects to the utmost.

The next day, May 1, 1954, Bob wrote me from the Time/Life office in Tokyo his last letter, in which he told me that he had taken the assignment with great pleasure, that he´d likely have to shoot very complicated subjects but that it was his life, his own alley, his way of making things and earning a living, and though sometimes frustrating, Indochina would be a good story anyway.

A few days later, I received an undated Bob´s letter from Hanoi, the last one, in which he told me that he had just come back from Laos and was trying to make a further story.

Some days later, I was for a week as an invited teacher of the 6th University of Missouri Photo Workshop.

The following day after the end of the workshop, I received a call from Inge Bondi, Magnum New York. She was crying and reported me that Wener Bischof had died in the Peruvian Andes when his car went over a cliff.

John G. Morris reading some documents in the library of his home in Paris.

This was exceedingly shocking for me and a mixture of memories came to my mind: the Christmas we had spent together in New York, the baby Rosellina and he were waiting, the trip through South America Werner had designed, trying to finish in Tierra del Fuego, etc.

Once in my house in Armonk, New York with my wife Dèle and my children, on May 24, 1954 I received a call from a Life Foreign News researcher telling me that Bob had died a few hours before in Thai Binh (Vietnam) after stepping a land mine.

This was too much. I couldn´t believe it. Two of the best photographers in history had died, almost simultaneously, the same day. One day later, on May 25, 1954, Daniel Werner Bischof, Rosellina and Werner´s son, was born in Zurich.

The tragedy was almost unbearable for Magnum staff in New York and Paris. There was commotion and unutterable grief and pain in everybody. The bereavement was utter.

The memorial service both for Werner and Bob was made on next Sunday afternoon. The place was full of people and Edward Steichen made a brief praise for them. There were testimonies of respect and grief from different countries, and also a telegram from Ingrid Bergman. Cornell Capa and Julia Friedman (Bob and Cornell´s mother) were in dismay, overwhelmed
by sorrow.

On June 11, 1954, Cornell Capa, his wife Edith, Julia Firedmann and me buried Robert Capa in the Quaker cemetery at Amawalk, New York, with even stronger bereavement. Dirk Halstead, a 18 years old photographer, took some pictures of the burial of his most admired photojournalist. From then on, Dirk would go on his career to become one of the best photographers of Vietnam War and later on a prominent photojournalist, editor and publisher.

June 11, 1954. Robert Capa´s burial in the Amawalk Quaker cemetery, New York. Cornell Capa, his wife Edith, Julia Friedmann (Bob and Cornell´s mother) and John G. Morris (on the right of the frame, with his back towards the camera) surround Capa´s coffin durin the last moments before his interment. Photo: Dirck Halstead

September 12, 2009, 55 years later, John G. Morris holds one of the photographs taken by Dirck Halstead during Capa´s burial. Impossible to express with words the emotional intensity lived.

These two deaths changed everything in Magnum. Capa had been the driving force of Magnum and Werner Bischof was one of its greatest flagships.

It was necessary to take decisions soon. Therefore, on June 30, 1954, Magnum members gathered in Paris, in the rue de Lisbonne apartment of Henri Cartier-Bresson to speak about the future.

Three vicepresidents were named: "Chim" was elected president for finance, George Rodger vice president for Paris operations and Cornell Capa vice president for New York.

At this meeting we also voted membership for five young American photographers: Eve Arnold, Elliot Erwitt, Dennis Stock, Erich Hartmann, Burt Glinn and the Dutch photographer Kryn Taconis

Specially praiseworthy was the role performed by Cornell Capa, because after the events of May 25, 1954, he decided to greatly abandon his own career as a photographer and preserve his brother´s and Werner Bischof ´s photographic heritage. This way, he helped to steer Magnum through some difficult times and eventually created the International Center of Photography
in New York.

These eyes have seen and edited a high percentage of the most important and worlwide famous photographs of XX Century. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.

In 1955, we voted membership for three more photographers: Inge Morath, Erich Lessing and Marc Riboud.

The labor of Inge Morath was instrumental in the worlwide spread of Magnum from mid fifties, because she could speak ten languages and had learnt to make pictures watching Henri Cartier-Bresson and Ernst Haas during her researcher stage. Bob always had great confidence in her professional gift and had proposed her to Cartier-Bresson as a researcher in 1950.

Regarding Marc Riboud, Bob took over his journalistic education in 1951, also sending him to London to improve his English and make new contacts. His sense of timing was amazing, a trait shared with Capa. He became one of the best photographers of Magnum and made excellent stories all over the world.

David Seymour " Chim" died on November 10, 1956 in Egypt, when the jeep in which he went with photographer Jean Roy of Paris Match was machined gun at an Egyptian road control.

It was Burt Glinn who told me the news, calling from Israel to my New York apartment in Armonk.

This was a further tremendous and irreplaceable loss for Magnum. The legendary "Chim" was always the most cultured member of Magnum, together with Cartier-Bresson and Inge Morath. It was known that when he made the reportages of Bernard Berenson and Arturo Toscanini at their respective homes, he kept classical music and artistic deep conversations with them.

"Chim" was a man of great sensitivity and charm, intuitive, unselfish and always helping his teammates, passionate for photography and absolutely beloved by everybody in Magnum and making friends wherever he was. An example will suffice: Nobody in Rome knew more different people than "Chim", a living legend in himself, with unique and unforgettable personality, who had been making pictures in Spain with Bob and Gerda Taro during the 1936-1939 Spanish Civil War and had been one of the four founders of Magnum in 1947.

What has meant in your viewpoint the photographic work of Henri Cartier-Bresson for Magnum and photography in general?

John G. Morris: Cartier-Bresson is a giant in the history of photography. His methods were unconventional, unique, and his special style of taking pictures allowed him to use most times only a 50 mm lens. Such was his mastery of distances and composition when making street photography and real life reportages.


He was much less sentimental than "Chim", but truth is that Cartier-Bresson, though not being an administrator, saved Magnum in its most critical moments, specially between 1948 and 1950, mainly through the revenue obtained with Life assigned his two superb stories on Gandhi´s death made in India in January 1948 and a further one made in China in 1949, covering the last stage of the civil war between the Kuomintang administration and the Maoist People´s Republic.

He shot only black and white film and excelled using 35 mm Leica rangefinders always making pictures handheld with available light, and always gave great importance to the use of 35 mm contact sheets to study the quality and impact of photographic stories.

The Decisive Moment, a great 1952 book by Henri Cartier-Bresson, including 126 black and white pictures and a remarkable preface written by himself.

His excellent book The Decisive Moment, including 126 monochrome pictures, became an instant classic and a reference photography work since its very launching in 1952, greatly complemented by the huge significance of the preface written by himself.

You were also a friend and direct witnees of Eugene Smith colossal photographic production and his rather convulsed life. Which aspects would you highlight in his personality and way of working?

John G. Morris: I met Eugene Smith for the first time in December 1939. He was very young, only 21 years old, and we made a story in Ellis Island on the " Columbus Internees", the crew of a liner with base in Hamburg.

He was already a semiprofessional photographer covering sports for Wichita newspapers "The Eagle" and "The Beacon" when his father shot himself in 1936.

He had always a very disordered life, utterly devoted to photography. The day hadn´t enough hours for him. He was tremendously self exacting and thorough in his work, a full-time perfectionist always exhausting up to his last drop of stamina trying to get the prints and results he wanted, being a world class photographer and a superb darkroom connoisseur alike.

Throughout almost his entire life, he was subjected to a lot of stress because of familiar problems, health progressively deteriorating and the suicide of his father, who deeply affected him. It´s true that he sported a strong character and a complex personality often taking him to a kind of self destructiveness, perhaps only Life had the resources to hold Gene´s tremendous level of perfectionism he longed for his pictures, including the very high standard of reproduction of his photographs he wanted in the magazines and newspapers he worked for, without forgetting his leisurely rate of performance and his expensive habits, because we always wanted to have a darkroom assitant and the best equipment, but he was a highly humane and sympathetic man, something which is reflected in many of his pictures, which are often imbued with social compromise and reporting of injustices.

During the II World War, he was a war correspondent between 1942-1945, and made great pictures in the Pacific Theatre in Saipán, Guam, Iwo Jima and Okinawa , where loyal to his lifetime approach to his work, he threw into the action and was about to die in 1945, when he was very seriously wounded by mortar shell fire, and had to suffer two years of convalescence in hospital.

But from 1947, Gene began to publish his impressive essays in Life. They were photojournalism conceived in-depth, the essence of it. Eugene Smith devoted a lot of hours and hard work to achieve those extraordinary results with remarkable stories like Country Doctor (1948), living during many weeks with Dr Ernest Ceriani of Kremmling (Colorado), stuck to him minute by minute while he visited different patients of all ages and fought to heal them. Gene also reflected masterfully the anxiety and sufferings of the patients´ relatives; Nurse Midwife (1951) showing
Maude Callen, a remarkable black woman, making a praiseworthy work, namely to visit all the needed people she could - ailing men and women, women giving birth to children, etc - in an almost impossible context, and at the same time pointing at racism; A Spanish Village (1951) depicting the life of the small rural town of Deleitosa, with an ancient traditional way of life; A Man of Mercy (1954), a photo essay on Dr Albert Schweitzer´s humanitarian work in French Equatorial Africa.

Gene was so talented to steadily touch the viewers emotions. He immersed himself in the lives of his subjects, always trying to reveal the true essence of them.

Pittsburgh (1955-1958), is a clear example of his way of working. It should have taken not more than a month to make the assignment, but Gene used five months in 1955 and a few weeks in 1957 trying to complete it, though he couldn´t. Nevertheless, the 11,000 negatives belonging to the series Pittsbugh are among the best of his production. The problem was that he invested all of his economical resources in this colossal project and besides he always tried to make a master
print in miniature of each picture, so he finished physically worn-out.

He needed friends at critical times and I had the privilege of being one of them for many years until his death.

On the other hand, during Gene´s stays in Pittsburgh, we had to turn down an assignment offered by The Saturday Evening Post and another one by Collier. Eugene Smith was very stubborn and was utterly focused on Pittsburgh, it consumed almost his entire time, and so he couldn´t do any other stories during 1955, 56 and 57 (his three first years in Magnum), with the exception of a story on the sinking of the Italian liner Andrea Doria off Nantuckett. I went there
with Gene at night, to cover the arrival of survivors at dock 88 in New York.

In Magnum, for some years we made our best striving after getting publishing agreements for Gene´s Pittsburgh, but he was constantly dissatified with the page layouts and kept changing them.

Regretably, the thirty-eight pages and 88 pages Pittsburgh layout finally made by Photography Annual in Magnum didn´t match at all the top-notch standard of quality and size of Life magazine, and Gene was highly disappointed.

Even, in 1954 Gene had already resigned from Life among other things because his very high standard of excellence in photographic documentary series, his search for utter control over his photographs and his craving for presenting the whole picture story fairly exceeded the available space and top quality paper investments, since Gene always wanted his images appearing inside magazines as similar as possible in quality to the original master prints on photographic
paper.

In any case, the Pittsburgh project has been an outstanding achievement that did much to foster the photographic essay into a greater dimension.

Cornell Capa knew it and helped Gene, offering him in 1969 the landmark retrospective photographic exhibition Let Truth Be The Prejudice, held at the Jewish Museum, New York, which grew up until reaching the astounding figure of 542 images, along with a tray continuously projecting slides on the Pacific Theatre during II World War. This was perhaps the nearest Gene was ever to make things his way with his pictures.

What did Eugene Smith´s Minamata Story mean in the history of Photojournalism?

John G. Morris: It was undoubtedly a milestone. It was made between 1971-73, a few years before Gene´s death, when Eugene Smith and his wife Aileen moved to the Japanese fishing village of Minamata to document the plight of people who had suffered from industrial poisoning.

This was his last and probably best masterpiece series, including the famous picture of Tomoko Uemura, a very powerful image conveying a visual dialogue between photographer and subject, simultaneously sublime and terrible, showing truth and often considered his best photograph along with The Walk to Paradise Garden he made in 1946.

With Tomoko Uemura in the bath, Eugene Smith, who could never attain for him the perfection he always yearned for his photographs, made intemporal a perfect instant which maybe began to put somehow an end to his impressive career as photojournalist and also to his life.

How long were you with Magnum as picture editor?

John G. Morris: Eight years, from 1956 to 1964, and I was very happy to realize that Magnum was at last truly international. Cornell Capa was the Magnum photographer who most insisted on the need of creating an actually professional organization, both in New York and abroad, and his election in 1957 as acting president after Chim´s demise meant a turning point.

John G. Morris watching the pictures of a book containing the images of a world class photographer.

On the other hand, it is a great success that Magnum has been able to survive after the vanishing of many of its major big four flagship customers like Collier´s, The Saturday Evening Post, Look and Life, the latter having finished its activity in 1972, after thirty-six years, which suffered the transfer of the great advertisers from mass magazines to television, which allowed an audience of amazing numbers.

Those four great picture magazines had been from the end of forties the springboard for Magnum´s getting into covering the world in photographs, and we were able to answer to any journalistic challenge, with me often caught in the middle between the photographers and the magazines, since I always thought that we had the task of both making good pictures and covering the news.

And other magazines frequently launched numbers with pictures made by Magnum photographers. That happened with Brian Brake for National Geographic, Elliot Erwitt, Burt Glinn and Henri Cartier-Bresson for Holiday and Eve Arnold for Esquire.

In 1957, Magnum covered Queen Elizabeth and his consort Phillip to United States with four photographers: Eugene Smith, Ernst Haas, Cornell Capa and Burt Glinn, placing them on different points. It was an editorial great toil, but it paid off.

Besides, from 1960 on, Capa´s great dream became into a reality, and Magnum was greatly consolidated, with many of the best photographers in the world within its ranks and a huge worldwide prestige which has continued to the present day.

John G. Morris goes on relishing the viewing of good photographs and visiting as many exhibitions as he can.

At the beginning of sixties, Magnum did a book titled Let Us Begin on the first 100 days of John F. Kennedy as President which sold well.

In 1964 you began a new stage as picture editor for The Washington Post. Which were the main tasks you were bound to accomplish since your arrival?
At that time, the Washington Post needed to modernize and foster the picture editing and laying out, so they welcomed innovation.

I did a lot of different photographs choices and layouts with various sizes and placements.

On the other hand, I asked to improve the cameras and lenses of the staff photographers along with giving them much more quantity of film, and it was bestowed.

Since my first contact with editor Russell Wiggins and managing editor Alfred Friendly during the 1964 American Society of Newspaper editors, it had been clear that my task within The Washington Post would be to improve and look the visual content of the newspaper, supervising the Picture Desk, the Art Department and the sixteen staff photographers whose boss was Hugh Miller. Quickly both the photographers headed by Miller and me became great friends and each photojournalist was given two camera bodies and four lenses.

For years, the Art Department had systematically retoched pictures, in such a way that they lost a lot of quality and appeared nearly unrecognizable on paper pages. I managed to change this and some more important things, because I knew that Phil Graham had worked hard a lot of years to turn the Washington Post into one of the references of U.S publishing, so the market possibilites of the newspaper were much greater and the quoted changes were urgent.

Another thing to modify was the enhancement of the number of Washington Post photographers, because until that moment it had been usual to send them only to cover social events.

In any case, I soon realized that Washington Post staff photographers were really good, with previous street experience and ability to see pictures, specially Wally McNamee who covered the Vietnam War and Dick Darcey who made a great work making the reportage of a freedom march in Selma (Alabama). Both of them and a high percentage of the rest of photographers could do almost any assignment.

On January 20, 1965 I had to cover Lyndon Johnson´s Inauguration Day after his election as President of the United States, and we made a twenty page special section on it, with the invaluable help of Dick Darcey, who did a great work making pictures from a helicopter.

In 1967 you started your tenure as The New York Times picture editor which you´d hold until 1975.

John G. Morris: This was a dream come true for me, because since late thirties I had always been fascinated by the story of both the New York Times as top class newspaper and specially the publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger (the legendary man at the helm of the paper between 1935 and 1961), whose son Arthur Ochs Sulzberger Sr. had succeded him in 1963 as publisher and
chairman.

Arthur Hays Sulzberger had been the driving force implementing the New York Times use of pictures (even he had the insight of hiring photographer Howard Hausner whom he had seen in action as an Army photographer overseas), reporting and feature articles, along with the spreading of its sections, also developing the facsimile transmission for images.

And now, his son Arthur " Punch " Sulzberger Sr was beginning to build a large news gathering staff. For me, it was a great opportunity in my professional career as picture editor.

My arrival to The New York Times began when Manny Friedman, one of its assistant managing editors, took me to lunch at Sardi´s restaurant, telling that he wanted to know my opinion and me recommending him picture editors I knew for a new post at the New York Times. I told him some names, and at the end he asked me if I´d like to have that post.

I was very surprised at the offer and answered that I needed some time to think about it, because I had just gone out of the Washington Post, but the following week Clifton Daniel, then New York Times managing editor, called me to talk to him at his office facing West Forty-third Street.

He asked me about the way in which The New York Times played the pictures, and I openly replied him that in my viewpoint it was highly improvable. Our conversation, very friendly - I had already known Clifton Daniel during my stage in Life in forties when a portrait of him and his wife made the cover- went on for approximately an hour.

A few days later, Manny Friedman phoned me to say he wanted me to speak with executive editor Turner Catledge and managing editors Abe Rosenthal and Harrison Salisbury and on May 29, 1967 I agreed to start working at The New York Times as Picture Editor.

Assistant manager editor M. Bernstein and his assistants had been deciding the makeup and daily content of The New York Times for fifteeen years, and they had final decision on the headlines, graphics and stories being raised in the desks regarding metropolitan, national, foreign, financial, etc topics and also as to the pictures.

Cliffton Daniel wanted to change this system as soon as possible and update things. And I had to be one of the catalysts of that change.

One of the first aspects to modify was the very distant location between Art Department, wirephoto machines, photographers, lab men, Picture Desk, engraving department, etc. This slowed everything very much, specially in regard to pictures. Besides, the engraving methods used had scarcely changed since XIX Century.

This way, I was often invited to attend to Ted Bernstein´s office as an observer during the daily conference on page one, and realized that he was always very well informed and sported remarkable instinct.

Page one has probably been the most significant item in the history of The New York Times, dealing on matters of human concern, and doing maximum effort trying to always select appropriate topics and focusing on real information, accuracy in the pieces of news and quickness delivering them to the readers, something very different to the oversimplified tabloids.

That´s why page one was always and keeps on being a top paramount importance item of the paper and a delicate subject in terms of balance.

Soon after I began working at The New York Times, Arthur "Punch" Sulzberger invited me to the publisher´s luncheon on Tuesday, June 20, 1967. This was an unexpected great honor for me, because this was the daily meeting held by the New York Times executives and many presidents of different countries were sometimes present.

From then on, it was clear that my mission as new picture editor was striving after matching the scope of the New York Times reporting and the depth of its editing with a similar quality in the picture report.

Which were the most important assignments you remember while working as New York Times picture editor?

John G. Morris: The first one was when the White House announced a "summit" conference to be held on June 23, 1967 at Glassborough State College in southern New Jersey, and the Soviet premier Alexei Kosygin would be present. Pictures of the event were made by photographer Bill Snead who took images of the summit preparations and transmitted them for the New York Times late edition. This was my first page one special for the newspaper.

There was another story photographed by J. Anthony Lukas on Linda Fitzpatrick, a radical terrorist who blew up herself with her own bomb. George Cowan did the layout and I chose the images. It won a Pulitzer Prize.

Some time later, on April 5, 1968, Martin Luther King was assassinated in Memphis.The New York Times photographer Earl Caldwell was there to cover a strike of 1,300 sanitation workers supported by Martin Luter King, and was lodged at the same Motel Lorraine, when he heard shots and saw King dead on the balcony above, after which he phoned the paper National Desk reporting the very sad news. We needed a portrait for page one and began browsing Martin
Luter King picture file. Suddenly, freelance photographer Ben Fernandez appeared in my desk bringing a picture of Dr King´s family he had recently made, and we put it quickly into the city edition. Afterwards, I chose a further picture for the late edition, showing Dr. King pensive and praying innerly, with a hand on his chin, which became very famous with the elapse of time.

Two months later, I was invited to speak at a convention of California press photojournalists to be held in Los Angeles at the end of the first week of June, so my wife Midge and me decided made up our minds to witness the last days of the Democratic party, whose action took place at the Hotel Ambassador, turned into Robert Kennedy´s headquarter. Midge and me made our way to the ball room of the hotel to listen to Robert Kennedy´s speech, and immediately after its end, some shots were heard. Everything was confusion, women crying and orders not to move given by security men everywhere. Robert Kennedy had just been shot and killed by Sirham Sirham. I phoned to New York to report the news and dictate the text of it, unexpectedly getting a sad page one story which made the final edition.

On June 5, 1968, Robert Kennedy was at the Ambassador Hotel of Los Angeles, celebrating his successful campaign in the California primary election and had just finished addressing supporters in the hotel main ballroom, when Sirhan Sirhan assassinated him in the kitchen of the hotel with a .22 caliber gun. John G. Morris was at a very short distance in the quoted ballroom, and heard the shots. Photo: Boris Yaro / Los Angeles Times.

Also, during the coverage of the 5-9 August 1968 Miami Republican Convention, we made a good job, with New York Times staff photographers summing up almost 50% of the total of pictures of the event run that week; and something similar happened during the 26-30 August 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention, during which news was mainly in the streets because of demonstrations and riots. I had a trailer located in the press zone where we developed the film and edited the pictures made by photographers Barton Silverman, Neal Boenzi, William E. Sauro, George Tames and Don Charles.

What New York Times photographers did make a greatest impression on you?

John G. Morris: I remember a lot of very good photographers.

Don Hogan Charles managed to get great empathy when shooting New York black ghettos.

Ernies Sisto was a legend in himself at his sixties, highlighting in sports.

Jack Manning was rather versatile and featured great experience, having studied at Photo League and sporting previous magazine photography beckground in Pix.

Edward Hausner was an extraordinary photographer able to solve with high marks any kind of difficult feature story.

Neal Boenzi was always able to quickly read contexts with his eyes and summarize situations in very few pictures, two or three at the most. For instance, he made a " Life and Death in the City " picture story reducing it to an image of a newborn girl in her mother´s arms and one more of a corpse taking inside a morgue from near the feet.

William E. Sauro, a great general assignment photographer, thousands of his images having illustrated news articles in The New York Times during twenty nine years between 1967 and 1996, without forgetting his great pictures of the Kennedy administration during sixties.

Barton Silverman, a self made man who began his career at The New York Times as a lab technician in 1962 and in 1964 was hired for general assignments as a staff photographer and with time would become a world class sports photographer, capturing the very peak of action.

Gloria Emerson, a great professional for whom the coverage of Vietnam War became an obsession while assigned to Saigon as New York Times correspondent.

George Tames, who developed a great forty years career as a New York Times photographer betwwn 1945 and 1985. A man who managed to gain the utter confidence of a lot of presidents of U.S from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan, senators and comitte chambers whom he made a lot of pictures during four decades. He was always able to make images of them conveying information without betraying trust, and steadily trying to depict the best qualities of his subjects.

And many more.

Which was your more thrilling and unforgettable experience during your stay in New York Times?

John G. Morris: It was the day I went into the fourteenth floor dining-room of The New York Times building on June 20, 1967, invited by Arthur " Punch" Sulzberger, the publisher, my first important meeting with him and the manager editors of the paper.

Suddenly, on entering, I saw Arthur Hays Suzlberger, the man who during forties and fifties had turned The New York Times into the cream of the U.S newspaper, 75 years old and sitting in a wheelchair, looked after by his wife Iphigene Bertha Ochs. I was introduced to him as the new picture editor by his son and now publisher and chairman Arthur "Punch" Sulzberger Sr, who within time would take the New York Times even to higher halcyon days. This was a great honor and pride for me that I will never forget, on a par in emotional intensity and respect with when I saw five years later Edward Steichen at his home in Connecticut and said him good-bye for the last time.

John G. Morris talking to Edward Steichen near his home in Connecticut during a summer day of 1972, one year before his death. John G. Morris had also been in 1969 at the Plaza Hotel in New York during Steichen´s 90th birthday party.

On February 1, 1968 The New York Times published on its first page, occupying roughly a quarter of it, the AP Eddie Adams´s picture of General Nguyen Ngoc Loan, chief of national police of South Vietnam, executing a Vietcong suspect with a shot through his head from a very short distance on a Saigon street. What did you feel on watching that image for the first time?

John G. Morris: It was something shocking, the picture is really grim, because Nguyen Van Lem´s head has just been pierced by the bullet and the man´s face is distorted immediately before death.

It came through the wire in the afternoon, and quickly, I went with it to the early news conference and suggested it for page one to all the assembled editors. Next year, Adams would win the Pulitzer Prize for it.

This photograph opened a great debate over if the Vietnam War was worth and showed bluntly what war really is.

General Nguyen Ngoc Loan of South Vietnam army summarily executing a Vietcong prisoner with a gun shot through his head in a street of Saigon. John G. Morris suggested it for page one to the managing editors of The New York Times, and everybody agreed. Photo: Eddie Adams / AP.

A gruesome and great picture alike, and undoubtedly a very important photojournalistic and informative graphic document, though it is true that forty years after the image was taken it goes on being hard to watch.

On September 11, 1973, day of the military coup, a member of the staff of Salvador Allende, President of Chile, took a picture of him with helmet and surrounded by two members of his personal guard holding AK-47 Kalashnikovs, and four months later it was published by The New York Times. Who did take that picture?

John G. Morris: The picture was made by one of Allende´s aides while the military aircraft were approaching the Palacio de la Moneda in the capital Santiago de Chile, at low altitude, to bombard it, and both Allende and the palace guards began preparing for the defense.

The following months, the author of the photograph was still concealed in Chile after the taking of the power by the military, so this man gave the negatives to a New York Times correspondent in Latin America, and we published the picture on January 26, 1974, and subsequently this image won the grand prize of the 1974 World Press Photo Contest two months later.

Probably for security reasons the identity of the author has remained unknown, but the negatives are authentic, because we observed that on the left area of each frame appears part of a thread that surely was in the back of the camera when the negatives were exposed.

On July 20, 1969 Neil Armstrong set his boot on the surface of the Moon and The New York Times launched a lot of editions reporting about the success of Apollo 11 Mission. How were those days?

John G. Morris: The New York Times prepared an impressive operation for the occasion, under the global command of Abe Rosenthal. He had been after us for months to plan for the event, the most important in the history of the paper since its foundation in 1851.

At 9:32 A.M of July 16, 1969, the Apollo 11 was launched from Cape Canaveral, its aim being to become the first manned mission to land on the Moon with astronauts Armstrong, Collins and Aldrin. The New York Times had been working hard for some weeks in preparation of the historical event.

The Apollo 11 Mission with Armstrong, Collins and Aldrin astronauts had raised huge expectation all over the world. Everybody was paying attention to it and the Sunday night July 20, 1969, when Neil Armstrong became the first man to put his foot on the Moon, was absolutely unforgettable.

The Apollo 11 launching team of scientists paying attention to events during takeoff on July 16, 1969.

The Lunar Module Eagle has just separated from the main spaceship
and goes towards the moon surface. Within short time, Neil Armstrong will
be the first man to walk on the Moon. Picture made by Collins from inside
the command module "Columbia" with one of the two electric Hasselblads
500 EL he had and a Zeiss Sonnar 250 mm f/5.6 lens.


700 million people, a world record for that time, watched the Apollo XI mission success on TV.

Inside the New York Times, during the previous weeks, fidgets was increasing day by day until July 20, 1969, from which it was even greater.

Abe Rosenthal and all of us had been working very hard for a lot of days. We knew that this was a historical event and The New York Times had to be up to the occasion.

Stress was unbearable. Because of the special context, we could only have images transmitted on TV featuring poor quality, but we did our best making a Late City Edition titled " Men Walk on Moon".

The Apollo 11 Lunar Module "Eagle" with Commander Neil Armstrong and pilot Buzz Aldrin coming back from the Moon surface, approaches Columbia Space Module for docking, being photographed from the Command Module "Columbia" by pilot Michael Collins with an electric Hasselblad 500 EL camera with a Zeiss Sonnar 250 mm f/5.6 lens and 70 mm double perforated film specially made by Kodak. During the thirty orbits he made at a height of 96,500 m over the Moon surface, Collins made a lot of spectacular color photographs.A lot of prints of them would be thoroughly seen by John G. Morris during picture editing after the coming back of the three Apollo 11 astronauts to Houston National Aeronautics and Space Administration on July 27, 1969.

First page of The New York Times of July 21, 1969 title Men Walk on Moon. One of the most important photojournalistic operations under the global command of Abe Rosenthal and with John G. Morris as picture editor, Hank Lieberman as scientific news coordinator and George Cowan as art director was already working at full speed to attain the most comprehensive feasible coverage of Apollo 11 Mission, though for the moment they could only offer poor quality TV images to the readers. And the New York Times wanted as soon as possible not images taken from TV or transmitted pictures, but high quality color 8 x 10 prints directly made from the original Apollo 11 Mission 70 mm negatives exposed with Hasselblad cameras.

Things were happening very fast, and though the most important part of the Apollo 11 Mission had already finished with spatial module landing on the Moon and Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walking on it, the return trip was beginning and with it the most stressful stage for the New York Times coverage.

Buzz Aldrin´s footprint on the moon surface, made by himself to subsequently enable the study of the lunar surface bearing strength.

Buzz Aldrin photographed by Neil Armstrong on the moon surface. The impressive image quality obtained by a modified electric Hasselblad EL Data Camera and a Zeiss Biogon 60 mm f/4 featuring top resolving power, contrast and almost zero tangential and radial distortion, was decisive to get excellent original negatives of the Moon surface, whose 8 x 10 prints edited by John G. Morris allowed Abe Rosenthal´s dream come true: the color first ever for The New York Times in the form of a special newsmagazine supplement inside August 3, 1969 paper.

Picture of the Lunar Module Eagle on the Moon surface taken by Neil Armstrong, whose shadow can be seen on the lower left area of the frame. In the image can be clearly discernible the glass made grid of crosses engraving making up the Reseau plate, conceived to prevent the effects of film distorsion and which was fitted very near the film plane, in the back of the camera body, the emulsion being guided by the plate raised edges. This way, the Hasselblad EL Data had actually been turned into a little top-notch photogrammetric handheld camera.

The earth emerging over moon horizon.

Crater 308 viewed from lunar orbit.

After a twenty-two hour visit of the lunar module Eagle on the surface of the Moon, Armstrong and Aldrin are already safe inside the command module Columbia. This picture shows Armstrong.

The astronauts had been making a number of scientifical tests, measurings and pictures on the moon. We needed urgently specially the photographs on moon surface that they had made with high quality medium format Hasselblad cameras and Kodak 70 mm film. We craved for top-notch prints from those valuable original negatives as soon as possible to make new layouts the following days and get a much better quality of reproduction of the images on The New York
Times paper, because Abe Rosenthal had decided to begin making very fast a colour newsmagazine supplement for the first time in history inside the New York Times for the next Sunday´s August 3, 1969 Newspaper, which would quick prove to have been a fantastic idea.

On July 25, 1969, the astronauts returned to earth, with the spatial capsule dropping on parachute at 250 miles from Pacific Island Johnston island, to be greeted by President Richard Nixon on the aircraft Hornet.

We were in contact with NASA scientists and officials, who reported us their nervousness on the condition of the 9 rolls of medium format negatives and the thirteen reels of 16 mm movies shot by Armstrong, Collins and Aldrin.

It was now when The New York Times began working even more full-blast.

On July 26, 1969 I flew to Houston (Texas) to meet photographer Gary Settler and cover the return of Armstrong, Collins and Aldrin to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration.

The New York Times Dassault Falcon 20 jet, similar to this one and turned into flying Picture Desk, took John G. Morris, Henry "Hank" Lieberman, George Cowan and photographer Gary Settle on his return trip from Houston to New York with the highly valuable Apollo 11 Mission colour prints.

On the morning of Tuesday 29, 1969, The New York Times´s Dassault Falcon 20 jet with George Cowan, a production expert from the Art Department and the science news coordinator Henry Lieberman.

Abe Rosenthal had ordered in New York to make things at full speed and with maximum level of accuracy, because the special color magazine supplement to appear inside Sunday August 3, 2009 New York Times number was very important and there was very little time left to make the picture editing and layout of the 16 pages before sending it to machines. We should make it on the return trip, while flying come back to New York.

This way, in the afternoon, I was given a lot of prints of the pictures made by the astronauts of the Apollo XI Mission during the approach to the moon and on the very surface of it, and we took off returning to New York with those valuable photographs.

The small cabin of the jet had layout equipment, a light box, a moviola for watching 8 mm film, etc.

While the jet crossed over Louissiana and Mississippi, George Cowan and me were making the layout while Lieberman put the words.

John G. Morris gives one of the 8 x 10 inches prints of the Moon surface directly made from original 70 mm negatives to Henry Lieberman, science editor of the New York Times, for him to make the text for the picture. In the far background, with pipe, is art director George Cowan. They all are inside the New York Times jet which is flying from Houston to New York, because they have to deliver all the edited pictures, the layouts and the texts to managing editor Abe Rosenthal, overall commander of news operations, and then to begin making the special color newsmagazine supplement on the Apollo 11 Mission to appear the following Sunday. Photo: Gary Settler / The New York Times.

Suddenly, the pilot reported us that we couldn´t land on New Jersey airport, because it was covered in fog, so we had to go to Washington Dulles airport and wait for better weather at Teterboro.

Finally, we managed to arrive at New Jersey and from there to an office of Alco Gravure, the firm which would maje the engravings of the special section. We were three hours late. Abe Rosenthal was very nervous and production executive Walter Mattson literally had the jitters.

Rosenthal thoroughly watched everything: pictures, layout, captions and words for an hour and gave the go ahead.

One of the most comprehensive photojournalistic operations in history had just being fulfilled, and a very happy and satisfied Abe Rosenthal congratulated us, put his arm around me and said that we should be running color every day.

The 16 page colour newsmagazine supplement, delivering an impressive photographic quality, was a great success and the paper sold out in the twinkling of an eye on August 3, 1969.

August 3, 1969. Armstrong, Collins and Aldrin watching one of the rolls of 70 mm Kodak colour film exposed on the Moon surface with Hasselblad cameras after the landing of the lunar module Eagle on July 20, 1969, while Collins orbited in the Command Module.

What did the 1971 Joseph A. Sprague Memorial Award of the National Press Photographers Association mean to you?

John G. Morris: It was a great honor for me and a very nice remembrance, because I was awarded it along with my friend and highly admired extraordinary photographer Alfred Eisenstaedt. It is considered the most important honor in the field of photojournalism, along with the Erich Salomon Prize of the German Society of Photography.

At the same time, I was very happy because a few months before, The New York Times won the Overseas Press Club Award for excellence in general photographic coverage from abroad.

What brought about the inception of Quest magazine and your arrival there as photo editor?

John G Morris: In 1976. I had been working for roughly two years between 1973-1975 as an editor of photography for the NYT Pictures to attend upon the needs of worldwide media, and got some important scoops as the picture of Salvador Allende I quoted before, the 1975 approach of the Khmer Rouge to Phnom Penh covered by Sysney Schanberg, and some more.

One day, in 1976, the Harper´s editor Robert Schnayerson explained to me that he had gather a group of good photographers with the idea of launching an idealistic profile new magazine called Quest searching for top excellence in his stories.

My first assignment was a story on Andrei Sakharov, the Russian dissident and father of the Soviet hydrogen bomb, whom I took some pictures in his Moscow home in February of 1977, with his wife Yelena Bonner acting as an interpreter.

Within time, I´d do nine bylines.

Which has been in your viewpoint the role performed by Peter Magubane in the history of photojournalism?

John G. Morris: I met Peter Magubane during my activity of picture editor for Quest, when I made a byline called Images of Overcoming, related to this then emerging South African world class photojournalist, whose talent and perseverence have made him deserve a place in the history of photography.

Some books of the great photographer Peter Magubane have got a place in John G. Morris´s comprehensive library.

He was the son of a Soweto peddler who had learned photography working for Drum, a monthly picture magazine whose aim was to reflect topics on Africa.

For years, he made a lot of stories on gold miners, black children working till exhaustion for a lot of hours in potato fields, all kind of riots, etc, having spent two years in prison.

Within time, while working for the anti apartheid Johannesburg Rand Daily Mail newspaper, he won the South Africa´s journalism most important prize, being congratulated by the legendary CBS News broadcast journalist Walter Cronkite.

Peter Magubane always managed to take the picture with his Leica IIIG, however difficult or risky the context could be.

Throughout his astounding career, he has published eleven books, has held exhibitions in Berlin, London, Paris and New York, and his pictures have appeared in Life Magazine, The New York Times, National Geographic and Time magazine, having won the 1986 Robert Capa Award, the 1986 Erich Salomon Prize, the Special Missouri Honour Medal for Distinguished Service in Journalism in 1992, the 1997 Leica Lifetime Achievement Award given jointly by the Mother Jones International Fund for Documentary Photography and the Leica Camera Group.

In 1981, when Herbert W. Armstrong broke the original agreement he had with Robert Shnayerson, the latter resigned and most of the editors went with him, which meant the end of Quest, and within a short time you were named National Geographic picture editor. Which did this new step mean in your photojournalistic career?

John G. Morris: It was a great satisfaction and it exceedingly motivated me, because National Geographic, because almost for a century the Grosvenor family turned this top-notch publication into an American institution and the historical American flagship in terms of picture quality along with Life, without forgetting the high quality and scientific profile of the texts, with wonderful articles on a wide range of topics: biology, travels all over the world, archaeology,
technological breakthroughs, species of animals, climatic aspects, tribes of peoples in different countries, street photography reportages inside the biggest cities in the world, etc.

For a century, three generations of the Grosvenor family, beginning with Gilbert Hovey Grosvenor, had turned National Geographic into probably the best magazine in the world as to global level of picture and words quality.

Specially decisive and glorious had been the decade under the rule of Melville Bell Grosvenor as editor between 1957 and 1969.

He was a great enthusiast of photography, increased the quality and size of the printed images in the magazine, and implemented a wide range of significant improvements, including a colour picture in every cover and the hiring of a lot of a lot of people coming from the Missouri Workshop School of Journalism.

Besides, he also looked for experienced professionals from newspapers as Milwaukee Journal photographer Robert Gilka, who became a legendary National Geographic Director of Photography for 25 years - coinciding with the great photographer Thomas J. Abercrombie- and taught photojournalism and picture editing at Syracuse University, and his predecessor the also legendary James M. Godbold, chief photographer of the Minneapolis Tribune who during his tenure as National Geographic Director of Photography, attained superb levels of picture quality for the magazine, as well as making an important labor teaching photography through his Be a Better Photographer classes at his Custom Camera Store until 1986, always promoting the steady photographic instruction and motivation compelling to reach high levels of technical and artistic ability.

During this golden era, the number of National Geographic members had raised to the figure of 5,500.000.

Melville Bell Grosvenor´s son Gilbert had been the editor between 1970 and 1980, and the first three years under the tenure of Bill Garret had been extraordinary, something which would last until his in my viewpoint abrupt and unjustified firing in 1990, probably because Gilbert Grosvenor didn´t consult the adequate people. I did my best to get the reconciliation of both.

Bill Garret has been one of the most intrepid and powerful editors in the history of magazine publishing.

When I arrived at National Geographic in 1983, I quickly perceived he was a full-fledged driving force: innovator, hard working and pushing the magazine into new aims.

I had made a good friendship with him when my wife Midge and me met the Garrets and Grosvenors during the 1975 NPAA Convention (Wyoming).

Which were your most important assignments as National Geographic Picture Editor?
John G. Morris: After an agreement with Bill Garret through which I´d work for National Geographic in Paris, coordinating the editorial activities of the magazine in Europe, I was assigned my first important job as picture editor: the coverage of the balloon race that would start in the Place de La Concorde on June 26, 1983, to celebrate the 200 anniversary of both the first balloon flight by Montgolfier brothers in 1783 and the birth of International Herald Tribune, founded by James Gordon Bennet Junior in 1887.

I used eight photographers and managed to have a further picture putting an advertisement in some Paris newspapers.

Peter Turnley, whom I had given the command of the mission, reported me that Maxie Anderson and his copilot Don Ida had been killed crashing near East Germany.

In spite of the tragedy, the story made a National Geographic twenty pages.

Next year, in September 1984, I was assigned by Bob Gilka the coverage of another balloon story: this time was Joe Kittinger flying from Maine and trying to cross the Atlantic Ocean taking the flag of National Geographic Society.

It was very complex for Jean Guy Jules and Peter Turnley, the photographers I chose for the mission, to follow him, and after Kittinger flew over the Pyrenees, France and Corsica island, he landed in Italy and was rescued by the National Geographic helicopter.

In 1986, we supported at the same time two Polar expeditions: one made by Dr Jean-Louis Etienne, a specialist in nutrition and sports medicine who two years before had told me he´d try to reach alone the North Pole, by pulling a sled; and a seven men and one woman dosgsled expedition led by Will Steger, and in September Dr Jean-Luois Etienne made six pages and the Steger group thirty.

In 1989, National Geographic launched a special number titled " France Today" to commemorate the 200th Anniversary of the French Revolution. I had suggested it two years before, and in December of 1988 Bill Garret arrived in Paris to interview President François Mitterrand for this special which appeared in June of 1989, accompanoied by a simultaneous visit of Bill Garret and Gilbert Grosvenor to the French capital for its promotion.

You have always been fascinated by Paris. When did you take the decision to move to it?

John G. Morris: It all began since my arrival in Paris after the liberation of the city in 1944. I was borrowed a bicycle and little by little I was knowing it.

Since then, I have always loved Paris, and decided to live in it some day, something which happened in 1983, when I moved to it in 1983 with my wife, the photographer and writer Tana Hoban, whose pictures of children had been displayed in 1955 at the great Family of Man exhibition curated by Edward Steichen at the Museum of Modern Art in New York City and then became a world pioneer in the creation of photographic concept books for children, a total of more than fifty, which sold more than 2,000.000 copies during her professional career.

A rugged Royal Portable, made between 1926 and 1947, a typewriter for a lifetime. By it, we can see a picture showing John G. Morris with Yousuf Karsh, one of the masters of the 20th photography who excelled in portraits made with large format cameras and a sublime mastery of the light.

On the other had, from the beginning I felt very well in Paris, because since the demise of Life in 1972, it had become the most important Agency freelancers abode in the world, with for example the creation in 1967 of Gamma Agency by photographers Raymond Depardon, Léonard de Raemy, Hubert Henrotte, and Hughes Vassal, along with the arrival of Gilles Caron within short time.

Caron and Depardon were the driving forces of Gamma Agency, and the death of the former in Cambodia, in the same way as had happened with Bob regarding Magnum, gave Gamma the strength to keep on, and in 1973, the agency had got thirty-six people working in Paris and a New York office directed by Jean Pierre Laffont.

Gamma Agency has existed for a total of 42 uninterrupted years, an impressive feat, until August of this year 2009, when because of the worldwide current economical crisis it was forced to declare bankrupcy.

In 1968, it was created Sypa by a Turkish journalist called Goksin Spahioglu and his assistant Phyllis Springler, a remarkable young journalist from Kansas. This agency was quickly successful and a lot of editors, agents and photographers have worked for it since then through years.

On its turn, Vu is currently independent and has specialized in reportages made by photographers working abroad, as happened with the pictures taken by Christian Cajoulle of Chinise dissidents during the 1989 revolt in Tiannanmen Square, and whose identities are still protected.

Three years ago, it was for me a great honor to be bestowed in Paris by the great photographer Mark Riboud the Ordre National de la Légion d´Honneur, the highest and most prestigious decoration in France.

You have been a lot of times chosen for the international jury of World Press Photo. Which is in your viewpoint the influence of this prize in nowadays photojournalism?

Very high, because from sixties it has got an international dimension, a high percentage of the best photojournalists in the world compete in it, and approximately 4,000 photographers from more than a hundred countries submit their pictures, with the added benefit of the exhibition of prize winning images in thirty-eight countries.

From its creation in 1955 by the Dutch Society of Photo Reporters, World Press Photo grew more and more, and its turning point was in 1966 when the Holland magazine editor Joop Awart became its director, wisely balancing a jury made up by a mixture of Western countries, East Europe and Third World Countries.

I had the chance of talking personally to this visionary man, both in 1974, when he went to receive me to Schiphol airport in Amsterdam for the first time I arrived in Holland from New York to be a jury member for the World Press Photo Competition, and also in 1989 when he invited me to chair the jury of the 1988 World Press Photo.

It is a very consolidated and important prize, featuring great international prestige.

From the beginning of nineties there were some voices stating that photojournalism would quickly disappear before the arrival of the XXI Century? What do you think about this?

John G, Morris: Obviously those foretelling that thing were utterly wrong.

The photojournalism has gone on existing till now, when we´re about to enter the second decade of XXI Century, and it goes on alive and kicking.

Some people thought that with the arrival of firstly the TV as great massive audience figures the digital age and the very powerful advent of internet, the "obsolete" photojournalism would extinguish, but it hasn´t happened that.

The eigthies decade of XX Century brought about the genesis of a new kind of photojournalist, epitomized by Peter Turnley, David Turnley, James Natchwey, Susan Meiselas, Sebastiao Salgado, Anthony Suau, Christopher Morris, etc, id est, roving photojournalists sporting tons of courage and dedication, often risking their lives and making pictures all over the world, projects undertaken by one individual, as happened with Salgado´s highly comprehensive " Workers"
gigantic project, showing men, women and children of different countries toiling with their hands, frequently under very hard conditions.

On the other hand, since 1989, the Visa Pour L´Image outstanding Perpignan (France) Annual Convention of Photojournalism has gone to great lengths gathering thousands and thousands of photojournalists from all over the world and a lot of conferences, projections and exhibitions are held there every year, some of them unforgettable as the exhibition held during 1997 Visa Pour L´Image featuring 50 pictures made by Allan Tannenbaum

Visa Pour L´Image has managed to also become a full-grown international event.

Photojournalism is necessary to attract attention on things needing it as the futility of war, the extreme poverty of inhabitants of wide areas of the globe, the threats to the environment, the social injustices, etc.

It must also be clearly said that quality of tthe journalism should be top priority, because sometimes the overwhelming quantity of photojournalists at one event can create get in each other´s way and a kind of smothering of the event itself, which may bring about a huge duplication of images.

We can´t forget either that because of the tremendous weight of the mass media, journalism is currently often mixed with various percentages of entertainment in a steady search for profitability, and it seems apparent that censorship is or less everywhere to greater or lesser extent, not only in war areas.

But in spite of all the problems and difficult times inherent to these times of economical crisis, photojournalism appears with all of its strength and character every and other time, specially at the most critical moments, as happened during the the terrorist attack on New York World Trade Center Towers on September 11, 2001.

I have devoted my whole professional life to tell the story through pictures, and I want to make use of this occasion to pay homage to the many photojournalists that went there to approach as much as possible and get the pictures of that gruesome event, risking their lives: Bill Biggart, who went in with the firemen and died when the second tower collapsed; Jim Natchwey (Time), Steve Ludlum, Judith Fremsen, Kelly Guenther Justin Lane (New York Times); Charles Krupa
(AP), Marty Lederhandler (AP); Eli Reed, Paul Fusco, Dennis Stock, Larry Towel, Susan Meiselas, Chien-Chi Chang, David Alan Harvey, Steve McCurry, Bruce Gilden, Thomas Hoepker and Alex Webb (Magnum), Allan Tannenbaum (Polaris),

TV and photojournalism shouldn´t be ever rival, because they greatly complement each other, and this was proved that day.

There were a lot of photographers risking their lives to get the best possible images. In the same way as TV cameras everywhere, photojournalists were indispensable that day.

In any case, if there´s any crisis of photojournalism, it is related to editing and publishing, not to pictures and photographers.

Good photographers are more and more turning to producing top quality books and exhibitions.

I think that among many others, one of the reasons of the highly successful existence of National Geographic for more than a century has been thatit has always picture stories unbroken by advertising.

In any case, I do understand that publicity is necessary most times. Perhaps owners of the media should make a bigger effort to wisely balance publicity with content, because the latter, specially good pictures and texts will be in vast majority of cases the key element to good and above all steady sales through years. It is currently a specially complex topic because of the worldwide financial crisis.

The arrival of the new technologies has had in my viewpoint a very positive effect with the birth of more and more online magazines devoted to photojournalism, which have quickly flourished.

In this regard, world class examples like Digital Journalist, NPPA and PDN online make me be optimistic about the future of photojournalism and the genesis of vocations.

Do you need that there´s currently a need of good picture editors?

John G. Morris: Absolutely, because an enormous percentage of the millions and millions of pictures taken nowadays are actual junk and aren´t worthy of publication.

It seems that often very good photographers are poor editors. What´s the reason for it?

I don´t know, but it is frequently true. That´s why, among other aspects, the picture editor´s role is so decisive, because his mission is to study the message conveyed by the photograph, along with its visual impact. He must find the most representative image or images of a remarkable story. I always insisted in the great importance of watching the contact sheets of each spool. I miss things like this today.

Which are for you the most important ingredients that define a good photographer?

John G. Morris: Head, heart and a good eye.

miércoles 1 de julio de 2009

ROBERT CAPA IN CERRO MURIANO AND ESPEJO: THE DAYS IN WHICH REALITY SURPASSED IMAGINATION (10th Part):

Professor José Manuel Susperregui solves the mystery of the location of the Falling Soldier photograph: It was in Espejo (Córdoba).

By José Manuel Serrano Esparza. LHSA. Espejo (Córdoba). 16 de Junio 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

First of all I do wish to congratulate Professor José Manuel Susperregui and publicly proclaim my error: I firmly believed that Capa made his famous Falling Soldier picture depicting the instant death of a Republican militiaman in Cerro de La Coja, a little hill on the east outskirts of Cerro Muriano village.

Photo: Robert Capa/© ICP

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009


Vast majority of researchers coincided on it. The resemblance between one point of the slope of Cerro de La Coja little knoll and the background of the Falling Soldier photograph is great, including the shooting ground and the Cerro de Los Santos, which feature a high similarity with the lowest right angle of Capa´s most famous picture.

Point of Cerro de La Coja on which it was believed that Capa made the Falling Soldier photograph.

Photo: ROBERT CAPA / © by Cornell Capa / Magnum Photos

In the same way, most inhabitants of Cerro Muriano and Obejo village, specially the oldest ones, are convinced that the famous picture was taken in Cerro de La Coja, to such an extent that there are currently two conmemorative signposts on Cerro de La Coja in remembrance of the Falling Soldier photograph, and a lot of people - including me- thought that it had been made there.

On the other hand, there isn´t any doubt and it has been proved that Robert Capa and Gerda Taro were in Cerro Muriano area on September 5th 1936 practically the whole day, from early in the morning (progressively being in Cerro de La Coja area, Piedra Horadada, the Old Foundry of the Córdoba Copper Company Ltd, Cerro Muriano village, Las Malagueñas, etc), as verified by Clemente Cimorra´s chronicle in La Voz Madrid newspaper in which he describes his encounter with Robert Capa and Gerda Taro on Las Malagueñas hill (4th Part of my research, together with the previous discovery of this chronicle by Francisco Moreno Gómez in mid eighties and the important restudy of it by Dr.Catherine Coleman - this chronicle appears on page 63 of the ICP/STEIDL book This is War! Robert Capa at Work - .

There have also been some documentary films, above all Los Héroes Nunca Mueren, directed by Jan Arnold, in my viewpoint the best one made till now on this topic, in which the certainty that Capa´s most famous picture was made on Cerro de La Coja slope was expressed, something on which coincided Francisco Moreno Gómez, Patricio Hidalgo Luque and Fernando Penco Valenzuela, three very important investigators having made in-depth studies on Robert Capa in Cerro Muriano on September 5th 1936.

In my opinion, Cerro Muriano and Obejo inhabitants can go on being greatly in the same way as before and very proud of their history, because though we know now that the Falling Soldier Picture was made in Espejo (another village of Córdoba province), Robert Capa and Gerda Taro were in different points of Cerro Muriano area on practically the whole September 5th 1936 when General Varela´s three columns attacked the Republican forces defending the area with eclectic forces made up with loyalist officers and militiamen, specially anarchists who had arrived from Alcoi and who would reach fame because of their fierce fight against the Moroccan Tabor of Regulares soldiers when the latter tried to assault Las Malagueñas hills.

And to add more conviction to the topic, there have been through years a lot of authentic testimonies of survivors of that September 5th 1936, stating that there were Alcoyanos Republican militiamen that day making drills and sleeping from very early on different areas of Cerro de La Coja knoll and above all defending Las Malagueñas hill, where the Republican headquarters was in the Casa de Las Malagueñas mansion on top of it.

Likewise, there have been very old inhabitants of Cerro Muriano (who were children that September 5th 1936, some of them appearing in the documentary film Los Héroes Nunca Mueren) who remember very well to have seen the Moroccan Tabor of Regulares soldiers of Sáenz of Buruaga´s column arriving at the surroundings of Cerro de La Coja in the morning of that day, going on their march through one side of the Old Foundry of the Córdoba Copper Company Ltd to fulfil the encircling manoeuvre and attack Las Malagueñas hill. Even, some of these very old men and women remember the tremendous fight brought about between the
Alcoyanos anarchist militiamen and the Tabor of Regulares men.

At the same time, elrectanguloenlamano proved a few months ago that the hypothesis of Patricio Hidalgo Luque regarding that the two photographs (two, not one as usually said) in which appear a Republican soldier with helmet and Gerda Taro behind him, had been made in the Old Foundry of the Cordoba Copper Company Ltd in Cerro Muriano (very near Cerro de La Coja and Piedra Horadada) was true:
http://elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com/2009/05/robert-capa-in-cerro-muriano-day-in.html

On the other hand, Capa made around midday of September 5th 1936 one picture of refugees in the south area of Cerro Muriano village near the level crossing and fleeing from the nearby cortijos in Torreárboles zone; another picture in a street of Cerro Muriano village of Josefa and his son Juanito on a donkey, together with a walking girl eating something around three o´clock in the afternoon, and some more pictures of refugees abandoning Cerro Muriano in north direction towards Obejo Train Station and El Vacar. Most of the spots where Capa made these photographs of the refugees were discovered by elrectanguloenlamano and are explained in the Chapter 2 of our research.

In any case, Robert Capa´s famous Falling Soldier picture was not made in Cerro Muriano area, but in Espejo, and the historical merit of this discovery belongs to Professor José Manuel Susperregui.

Photo: Robert Capa / © ICP

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

AN IMPORTANT DISCOVERY BY JOSÉ MANUEL SUSPERREGUI
José Manuel Susperregui, Professor of Audiovisual Communication at the País Vasco University, has made an important discovery, finding in Espejo (a village of Córdoba province) the skyline appearing in an until recently unknown picture made by Robert Capa, belonging to the Falling Soldier series, and recently unveiled by the ICP, including it (among some dozens new ones) both in the itinerant exhibition This is War! Robert Capa at War and the catalogue book of the exhibition bearing the same title.

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

There isn´t any doubt that Professor José Manuel Susperregui is right regarding the location of the picture in Espejo as the place where Capa made the picture, though we don´t agree at all with respect to his statement that the picture is false and The Falling Soldier got up again after Capa made the photograph.

For elrectanguloenlamano, both the authenticity of the picture and the real death of two men (one of them instantly - the first and most famous Falling Soldier because of a 7 x 57 mm bullet shot by a Tabor of Regulares sniper piercing his heart- and a second one - the second falling soldier being shot by a second 7 x 57 mm bullet fired by the same Tabor of Regulares sniper with his Spanish Mauser 1893 long barrel rifle, not being instantly killed, but very seriously injured and dying within a few minutes as we know now-) go on being very clear, even more than before, and Robert Capa didn´t use any trick, ruse or tripod to make his famous Falling Soldier picture.

Photo 07b: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009


Photo 07: In the background, slope by Espejo on which Robert Capa made his famous
picture Death of a Loyalist Militiaman. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

The two Republican militiamen killed were not because of rebel troops attacking, since there weren´t any Francoist troops attacking. They were shots made by a sniper.

It´s not a coincidence that the three last photographs of the Falling Soldier series are the Falling Soldier itself, the second militiaman shot very seriously wounded on the wheat covered ground the slope, and this same second militiaman shot already dead with his corpse having been taken to a lower area of the slope and his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 caliber 7 x 57 mm crossed on his belly and grabbed by his left hand, probably with propagandist aims, something common in both sides during the Spanish Civil War.

Elrectanguloenlamano travelled to Espejo (Córdoba) and after a strenuous research on the spot under brutally harsh conditions in the middle of a scorching sun and temperatures of 42º C, (this is one of the hottest areas of Spain together with Ecija) we were able to utterly verify from a number of different angles and distances Professor José Manuel Susperregui´s significant finding: the skyline with Sierra de Cabra mountains beyond Llano de Banda area coincides exactly with the background appearing in the last picture of the Falling Soldier series unknown till now until it was unveiled by the ICP photographic itinerant exhibition This is War! Robert Capa at War.

This already aforementioned picture shows the corpse of the second falling soldier (not instantly killed as the first and most famous one, but very seriously injured and dying within a few minutes as we know now), already dead and lying on the wheat covered ground of the slope, with his Mosquetón Mauser having been crossed by somebody on his belly and with its buttock leaned on the terrain, while the left hand fingers of the body have also been put holding the rifle.

And the resemblance is even greater regarding another of the new unknown till now pictures ( also recently unveiled by the ICP and included both in the itinerant exhibition This is War! Robert Capa at Work and the ICP/STEIDL book bearing the same title) in which there are five militiamen simulating to open fire against non existing Francoist troops attacking them (for details on the recently unveiled twenty one 35 mm negatives from The Falling Soldier series, whose black and white contacts appear on page 67 of the This is War! Robert Capa at Work ICP/STEIDL catalogue book, see Chapter 9 of my research).

Professor José Manuel Susperregui´s discovery is also important because it adds even more drama to the events, since Espejo was the place where on September 23, 24 and 25 1936 one of the most fiercely fought battles of the Spanish Civil War took place between two Francoist columns under the command of majors Sagrado and Baturone ( with a lot of years of previous combat experience in Africa, featuring high tactics knowledge, discipline and morale) and the legendary loyalist Republican officer major Pérez Salas, sporting an impressive talent to use artillery with high levels of accuracy against rebel troops, along with the Battalion of Anarchist militiamen from Alcoy, which faced bravely against the Tabor of Regulares men on the quoted three days, dying to the last man on their posts.

EXACT LOCATION OF THE FALLING SOLDIER PICTURE

Llano de Banda is the great plain appearing in the background of the picture showing five militiamen simulating to open fire against non existing enemy forces, with the mountains of Sierra de Cabra in the background.

This great plain also appears clearly discernible in the last picture of the Falling Soldier series depicting the corpse of the second falling soldier on the wheat covered slope, having being taken to a lower area of the little hill and appearing with his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model having been put leaned on his belly and left hand by somebody, probably because of propagandist reasons, something common to both sides during the whole Spanish Civil War.

Capa made his famous Falling Soldier picture on Senda de Hornijeros, a point of the big slope by the south of Espejo village, currently full of olive trees, which in 1936 was covered by wheat (the village of Espejo was completely surrounded by wheat fields until approximately 30 years ago, when olive trees were planted everywhere because of their greater income yield capacity).

ELRECTANGULOENLAMANO DISCOVERS THE WHITE HOUSES IN THE BACKGROUND IN CAPA´S PHOTOGRAPHS
None of the white houses currently seen in the background on Llano de Banda from Senda de Hornijeros or Espejo village itself are the white colour houses which can be observed in the background of the pictures of page 77 and 85 of This is War! Robert Capa at Work ICP/STEIDL exhibition catalogue book.

The same applies to the picture appeared in The Observer on Sunday 14 June 2009 (in my opinion an online newspaper having the merit of having firstly reported about Professor José Manuel Susperregui´s significant finding of the skyline to spot the location where Capa made the picture, which was undoubtedly Espejo). The white houses which can be discerned now from the distance on Llano de Banda are modern.

After a very hard research on the spot with exceedingly high temperatures and a scorching sun present at every moment, elrectanguloenlamano has very recently identified the old houses visible in the background of the quoted pictures:

a) The big house appearing on top of page 77 picture (the one showing five militiamen with one knee on the wheat covered slope and simulating to aim at non existent attacking rebel troops) just on the right of the dark cap of the fourth Republican militiaman from the left is the CORTIJO DE CASALILLA, a very old Andalusian country home, currently abandoned and deteriorated, greatly in ruins, with its roof having disappeared, its main walls presenting huge gaps, the layer covering the stones of its structures having been highly spoilt, the supporting timber beams either visible or scattered on the inner ground, curved roof tiles everywhere, and a very dense vegetation invading the whole place.

In any case, and in spite of its bad condition, this classical Andalusian cortijo oozes impressive charm and you feel that it has been witness of a lot of stories and personal experiences through centuries.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Very important image to understand Capa´s shots with his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939)
and a Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2. Picture taken by elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com
from inside the old Cortijo de Casalilla. In the far background can be seen the slope
by Espejo village on which Robert Capa made his famous photograph The Falling
Soldier in 1936 and the rest of pictures taken that day, including the one depicting
five militiamen with one knee on the ground of the then wheat covered slope, holding
their rifles and simulating to be aiming at really non existing attacking Francoist troops.
Impossible to express with words the more than strong emotion and thrill felt by
elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com on verifying Bob´s diagonal shot trajectory
once he aimed with his rangefinder camera at the five militiamen with this Cortijo
de Casalilla and the three Oil Mills in the background. This picture taken
on June 16 2009 by elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com, together with other ones made from Senda de Hornijeros and from the
second Oil Mill (currently the best preserved, only existing nowadays two of
them), verified without any doubt that Robert Capa made the Falling Soldier photograph in
Espejo and not in Cerro Muriano as believed till now.
For a lot of years, I had thought that Capa made the picture in Cerro de la Coja,
so this instant also verified my error. Photo: José Manuel Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009


Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

Old Cortijo de Casalilla. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.


b) The three big white houses appearing in the aforementioned picture on top of the third Republican militiamen from the left are the so called LOS MOLINOS DEL CAMPO.

There were three mills, visible in Capa´s picture and very near one another.

Currently only two of them have survived:

One is in very good condition bearing in mind the 73 years elapsed and still preserving the stateliness and grandeur it featured in its halcyon days with many of its structures and walls being a treat to watch and a kind of almost three quarters of a century frozen time when you climb and glance inside it. Definitely, this place exerts enthralment.

Los Molinos del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mills). Approaching to the middle one and currently best preserved. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

The middle one currently best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill). Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

Image taken with the middle one currently best preserved Molino del Campo
or de Aceite (Oil Mill) behind the camera. In the far background can be seen
the slope by Espejo village on which Robert Capa made the Falling Soldier
picture. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

The middle one currently best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill)
is surrounded and partially concealed by olive trees in a wide percentage of its
surrounding area. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

A big olive tree greatly hiding a lateral view of the middle one currently best preserved
Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill), whose walls and roof tiles are in acceptable
good condition bearing in mind the 73 years elapsed since 1936.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

Three olive trees frame a lateral section of the middle one currently best preserved
Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill).
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

View of the corner of a lateral section of the middle one currently best preserved
Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill), with a vertical crack visible on the right,
along with some bricks and stones in the open air, mainly on the lower area.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

Some very old broken tiles fallen on the ground by a wall of the middle one currently
best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill).
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.
Another image showing more very old broken tiles on the ground by a wall of the
middle one currently best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill).
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio de 2009.

One more image of a lateral section of the wall of the middle one currently best
preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill), on which three air intakes
can be seen. Needless to say that summer temperatures in this area of
Córdoba province are exceedingly scorching, usually oscillating between 40º C
and 46ºC. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

A more spoilt zone of the wall of the middle one currently best preserved Molino del
Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill), with part of its top torn up, a large percentage of its
mortar in the open air and surprisingly well preserved timber beams on top right.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

A further view of a lateral wall of the best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite
(Oil Mill). Though most of the white colour paint has disappeared and the appearance
is somewhat filthy, the condition of it is rather acceptable, though now and then the 73
years elapsed are revealed with patches on which bricks and rocks of the mortar are
visible. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

One of the corners of the wall of the best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite
(Oil Mill). Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

A longitudinal view of one of the lateral walls of the best preserved Molino del Campo or de
Aceite (Oil Mill). Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.
The only broken gap in the aforementioned lateral wall. A lot of vintage bricks and rubble are visible. To peer inside through this spot was something amazing and very thrilling, since it is greatly as it was in 1936, 73 years ago. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.
16 Junio de 2009.

A close-up of the quoted broken gap in the aforementioned lateral wall.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio 2009

Looking inside. Classical olive treatment facilities, silent witnesses of its halcyon days.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio 2009

An astounding freezing in time. A wide perspective of the olive treatment facilities inside
the best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite, in 1936 a thriving rural production center, nowadays abandoned but in spite of the widespread weeds, grass and plants having grown everywhere since 1936, it still keeps on exuding charm and history. Of yore, a lot of people worked here. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio 2009.

Close-up of a stone made olive treatment device, rather well preserved. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio 2009.

Detail of a house used as a storehouse inside the currently best preserved Molino del
Campo or de Aceite. It´s in very good condition, including its roof tiles, though a large
stretch of white paint on the right has disappeared.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Panoramic view of the best preserved Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill) in all its
extension. On the right far background can be seen the slope on which Robert Capa
made the Falling Soldier photograph and also the one with the five militiamen simulating
to be aiming against non existing Francoist troops attacking. In this latter photograph
both the Cortijo de Casalilla and the three Molinos del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mills)
of which this currently preserved one is the middle one (the second one being nowadays
rather spoilt and the third one - which was then the nearest to Espejo village- not existing
any more, appear in the background of the quoted image, along with the Sierras of
Montilla and cabra, which are the mountain ranges visible in the distance.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio 2009.

Another wide panoramic view of the currently best preserved Molino del Campo or de
Aceite (Oil Mill) on the right of the image. Immediately on its left, in the far background
we can see the slope by Espejo village, discovered by elrectanguloenlamano, on which
Robert Capa made his famous Falling Soldier picture and also the aforementioned one
depicting five militiamen holding their Mauser rifles, with the Cortijo de Casalilla and
Los Molinos del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mills) appearing in the background. We
can realize the diagonal trajectory of Capa´s shot with his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939)
with a non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

The second one, that we reach after walking approximately fifty meters from the just previously
quoted, is highly deteriorated and greatly hidden by surrounding trees and lavish vegetation.

Approaching to the third old Molino del Campo or de Aceite, currently very spoilt and
abandoned, in the same way as the second one (being in the middle of the three in
Capa´s picture of the five militiamen, the first one nearest to Espejo not existing today).
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

Another view of the third old Molino del Campo or de Aceite. It´s in a very bad condition,
with its architectural profile visible, but highly torn up and covered and surrounded by
a wide range of weeds, trees and vegetation everywhere.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

View of a lateral wall of the third old Molino del Campo or de Aceite, greatly hidden by
olive trees. Temperature at this spot was very scorching and almost unbearable.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio 2009.

Another view of a lateral wall of the third old Molino del Campo or de Aceite, fairly
concealed by olive trees. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de junio 2009.

Its architectural scheme can be still traced, but its walls and arches are very spoilt, with huge areas revealing bricks in the open air, large breaches, visible old metal pipes, etc.

The inner area of this third old Molino del Campo or de Aceite has almost completely
disappeared and is overcrowded by all kind of lavish weeds, trees, branches and
vegetation making difficult to walk. No trace of the olive treatment devices which
had to exist inside.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.

A further view of the inside of the third Molino del Campo or de Aceite, with plentiful
vegetation, weeds and trees reigning supreme. Only occasional bricks and rubble
on the ground are testimony of its blossoming past activity in 1936.

A very interesting image, taken with the third Molino del Campo or de Aceite (Oil Mill)
just behind the camera. On the right, we have the second Molino del Campo or de
Aceite, the one currently best preserved, and in the background the slope by Espejo
village on which Robert Capa made his famous The Falling Soldier picture along with
the rest of images made by him and Gerda Taro. On that slope Capa made also the
two decisive pictures who have made possible the identification by Professor Susperregui
of Espejo as the village in which Capa made the Falling Soldier Picture.
In one of them (page 77 of the This is War! Robert Capa at Work ICP/Steidl exhibition
catalogue book), there are five militiamen holding their rifles and simulating to be aiming
at really non existing Francoist attacking troops, being visible in the background the
Cortijo de Casalilla (on top middle of the picture, on the right of the dark cap of the second
militiaman from right), the three Molinos del Campo or de Aceite (on the cap of the third
militiaman from right) and barely discernible the Casilla de Los Taladores, far on the
background, on the left of the three Molinos del Campo or de Aceite (of which the first one
nearest to the five militiamen doesn´t currently exist) and the mountain ranges of Montilla
and Cabra in the horizon, the other decisive picture being the one on page 85 of the
aforementioned ICP/Steidl catalogue book in which appears the body of a loyalist
militiaman on the ground of the then wheat covered slope by Espejo village, with his
Mosquetón Mauser 1916 model caliber 7 x 57 mm crossed on his belly and resting on
his left hand and being visible in the background the three Molinos del Campo or de
Aceite on top right, the Casilla de los Taladores barely discernible. Also, in the horizon
you can see the mountain ranges of Montilla and Cabra.Bearing in mind the shadows in the two aforementioned pictures, Capa had to make
the photographs approximately at 17:30 h in the afternoon, because the sun rises
from the right corner of the 71. jpg image and Capa makes the pictures pointing the
non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens of his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) towards
the southeast. Therefore, when Capa makes the pictures, the sun is on the left upper
half of the 71.jpg image.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.

Highly profuse vegetation swaddles the third Molino del Campo or de Aceite.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

Of yore, this was a wealthy mill, but now its interior has almost fully disappeared and is overcrowded with very plentiful foliage, various trees, bushes, weeds, branches, stubbles, stones of different sizes sparsed everywhere, etc.

Another wider view of the third Molino del Campo or de Aceite, with the wrapping weeds,
vegetation and trees. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.

A diagonal view of one lateral section of the third Molino del Campo or de Aceite, literally
encircled by trees, weeds and highly plentiful vegetation.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 Junio de 2009

A highly spoilt inner area of the third Molino del Campo or de Aceite, full of invading trees
and vegetation. A naked aluminum pipe can be seen protruding from the wall, along with
rubble in the open air next to it. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio 2009

An image epitomizing the rather torn up condition in which the third Molino del Campo
or de Aceite is currently. Both the arch and the ground by it are utterly overcrowded by
weeds and vegetation having grown there after 73 years having elapsed since Capa and
Gerda Taro were in Espejo. Some naked aluminum pipes protrude from top of the arch,
the rubble of the mortar appears visible and very torn up and the white paint over the arch
has vanished. Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

The third mill doesn´t exist any more. It seems to have been razed to the ground some decades
ago and only very few and small scattered remnants of its walls, curved roof tiles, etc, can be tracked paying top attention to the ground. This mill was around fifty meters walking from the
aforementioned second one in rather good condition.

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

THE TOPIC OF THE IDENTITY OF THE FALLING SOLDIER
Now we know with 100% certainty that the man really dying in the Falling Soldier picture made by Robert Capa in Espejo (Córdoba) is not Federico Borrell García.

Nevertheless, the historical merit of dicovering that the Falling Soldier is not Federico Borrell García belongs to Miguel Pascual Mira, a Spanish Civil War historian from Alcoi (Alicante), currently in my opinion the highest authority in the world regarding the knowledge of anarchist militias and anarchism in Alcoi during thirties.

Miguel Pascual Mira, the historian from Alcoi who discovered in 2004 that the man appearing in the photograph Death of a Militiaman made by Robert Capa was not Federico Borrell García, something which he said for the first time in the documentary film Los Héroes Nunca Mueren directed by Jan Arnold.

In 2004, Miguel Pascual Mira discovered inside the Alcoi Archive (whose director is José Luis Santonja) a very important obituary letter written by the anarchist militiaman Enrique Borrell Fenollar in Puerto Escandón (Teruel) in remembrance of his comrade Federico Borrell García sent to Alcoi (Alicante) and published in the anarchist newspaper number 13 Ruta Confederal of October 23th 1937, one year and thirty eight days after his death. This newspaper was shown for the first time by Miguel Pascual Mira in the documentary film Los Héroes Nunca Mueren, directed by Jan Arnold.

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza.

Both the content of this obituary letter sent by Enrique Borrell Fenollar and the decisive role performed by Miguel Pascual Mira as the researcher who discovered that the man appearing in the Falling Soldier picture is not Federico Borrell García, are explained in:

http://elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com/2009/06/robert-capa-in-cerro-muriano-day-in_8173.html

The brilliant discovery of Professor José Manuel Susperregui has also had an added benefit: it has utterly proved that the Alcoi historian Miguel Pascual Mira was right: the Falling Soldier is not Federico Borrell García, but another anarchist militiaman.

I go on thinking that the militiaman appearing in the Falling Soldier picture, was killed in Espejo by a 7 x 57 mm bullet shot by a Tabor of Regulares sniper with his Mauser 1893 Model rifle.

CAMERA AND LENS USED BY CAPA TO MAKE THE FALLING SOLDIER PICTURE
Robert Capa didn´t use a Leica II during the Spanish Civil War.

He used a Leica III (Model F 1933-1939), very similar to the Leica II (Model D 1932-1948), but with the addition of slow shutter speeds, which are controlled by a dial mounted on the camera front and cover the range 1 second to 1/20 second, without forgetting two new important features: the rangefinder magnification was increased to 1.5X and carrying strap lugs were also
incorporated for the first time.

The Leica II doesn´t sport carrying strap lugs.

There´s an important picture showing Gerda Taro in Guadalajara Front during 1937, in which she appears holding a Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) and a rigid Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens.


I´m persuaded this is the same camera and lens used by Robert Capa to make the Falling Soldier famous photograph ten months before in Espejo (Córdoba), with the tremendous levels of dramatism it adds, since Gerda Taro would be soon rolled over by a tank in Brunete (a village of Madrid province) dying two days later in El Escorial hospital as a consequence of her wounds, with Robert Capa being by her.

Body of Leica III (Model F 1933-1939), the 35 mm rangefinder camera with which Robert Capa made his famous picture Death of a Loyalist Militiaman in Espejo. We can clearly see the carrying strap lugs incorporated in this model and non existent in the Leica II (Model D).

On the other hand, I do believe the not distorted at all proportions of the arms, legs and head of the most famous militiaman with respect to the rest of landscape and background along with the aesthetic of image of the Falling Soldier picture, are yielded by the quoted rigid Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 in non collapsible mount, featuring 6 elements in 4 groups connected to the Leica III (Model F 1933-1939). In my viewpoint the fingerprint of this image corresponds to a classic non coated standard 50 mm Gauss optical scheme.

Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) with a collapsible non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2.

I don´t believe at all that this picture was made by Capa with Gerda Taro´s Rolleiflex Standard medium format camera as suggested by Professor José Manuel Susperregui´s theory on this respect appearing in his book Sombras de La Fotografía, because a 6 x 6 cm b & w negative would render more image quality regarding level of detail, lack of grain, tonal range, etc, always understanding that apparent losses of quality are produced from the very moment of printing on photographic paper from the original 2 1/4 x 2 /14 square inches negative, and even more on transferring the image of that first copy on b & w photographic paper copy to the newspaper or magazine photomechanic machines (in 1936 it was very frequent to work from copies on black and white photographic paper which were made from the original negative to their distribution; id est, newspapers and magazines often didn´t work with original negatives, but with paper copies; without forgetting that the texture of the newspapers and magazines like Vu in 1936 and Life in 1937 had a powerful influence on even a further loss of quality, it all being enhanced by the blur of the photograph, so a number of different factors affect the final image quality of the published images.

Another beautiful view of the same Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) with the collapsible non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2.

It´s true that in 1936 all b & w emulsions available, both for 35 mm format and 6 x 6 cm format were rather grainy, but for obvious reasons of difference in negative surface size, it affected more to 35 mm emulsions than 120 monochrome roll films.

But in any case, it seems clear that Capa made the famous Falling Soldier picture with his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) rangefinder 35 mm camera and an uncoated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2.

Back view of the same Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) rangefinder camera model.

In my opinion, and always understanding that the Falling Soldier picture is slightly out of focus, the very abundant grain observable on the right arm and leg, black leather beltings, a kind of big wallet on his right side and the trousers of the militiaman, together with the rather limited grey scale don´t seem actually to have been yielded by a 2 1/4 x 2 1/4 Rolleiflex Standard medium format camera featuring an uncoated Carl Zeiss Jena Tessar 7,5 cm f/3.8 taking lens, the same
objective used by the 1937 medium format 6 x 6 cm camera Zeiss Ikon Ikonta B 521/16 on 120 film, though there´s also the possibility that Taro´s Standard Rolleiflex had a Carl Zeiss Jena Tessar 75 mm f/4.5 lens also shared by the 4.5 x 6 medium format camera Zeiss Ikon Ikonta A 520 from early thirties.

Close-up of the collapsible non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 of the Leica III Model F (1933-1939). We can observe on the left the dial mounted on the camera front for slow shutter speeds between 1 sec and 1/20 sec, another new feature introduced with this model and non existing in the Leica II (Model D) either.

In spite of being a non coated lens, the impeccable centering of the objective and the big surface of negative (a 400% bigger than 35 mm format) make that both the Rolleiflex Standard 6 x 6 cm medium format camera used by Gerda Taro and the Zeiss Ikon Ikonta B 521/16 on 120 film, deliver much higher quality than a Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens with 24 x 36 mm film, specially in terms of little grain, capturing of detail and tonal range, even when these vintage medium format cameras from thirties (both the binocular and folding ones) usually sported resolving powers in the range of 35-45 lines per millimeter. The much bigger size of negative surface had
a very significant influence for a superior image quality when compared with 35 mm format.

Collapsible non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens.

Definitely, I don´t think at all that Robert Capa used Gerda Taro´s Rolleiflex Standard to make the picture of the Falling Soldier.

It was a rangefinder Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) camera with an uncoated non collapsible Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 standard lens and 35 mm b & w Kodak nitrate panchromatic film featuring a sensitivity approximately equivalent to a modern ISO 40 film - though in that period there weren´t asa, iso or din systems, but Weston scale-.

On the other hand, the Carl Zeiss Jena Tessar 7, 5 cm lens of Gerda Taro´s Standard Rolleiflex, is a very classic lens belonging to the legendary family of the Tessar 4 elements in 3 groups design created by Paul Rudolph of Carl Zeiss in 1902, featuring a moderate luminosity but great sharpness and excellent optical qualities, that evidently don´t have anything to do with the Falling Soldier picture, an extraordinary and very important photograph, but whose image quality regarding resolving power, contrast, sharpness, tonal range attained, etc, is poor.

Rigid non coated Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens.

For example, in Gerda Taro´s right picture of page 74 of the This is War! Robert Capa at Work ICP/STEIDL book, we can see what the Carl Zeiss Tessar 7,5 cm f/3.5 4 elements in 3 groups lens of Gerda Taro´s Rolleiflex Standard is able to do paying attention to the great level of detail rendered on the ammunition leather poach, tendons of his arm, veins of his hand and foldings on his turned up sleeves and the top wrinkles of his trousers in the CNT anarchist militiamen from Alcoi nearest to the camera.

THE TOPIC OF THE DIFFERENT FORMATS IN WHICH THE FALLING SOLDIER PICTURE WAS REPRODUCED ON VU SEPTEMBER 23ND 1936 AND LIFE JULY 12TH 1937 MAGAZINES

Professor Susperregui´s Theory of Capa using the Rolleiflex Standard to make the Falling Soldier photograph is greatly based on the fact that the Falling Soldier picture included inside Vu magazine of September 23th 1936 is very rectangular and horizontally elongated in such a way that it hasn´t got a 3:2 Leica 24 x 36 mm ratio, but a 3.75 : 2.15 one, while this same picture appearing in Life magazine July 12th 1936 has got a 13:10 ratio still rectangular but approaching much more to a square than the photograph of Vu magazine.

Professor Susperregui states that the editors of the magazines made the different cropping adjustments from an bigger original than the published versions and that if Capa had used his Leica the adjustment made by Vu magazine was possible but the one made by Life was impossible because the 24 x 36 mm black and white negative (because of its 3 : 2 ratio) wouldn´t contain the top area of sky appearing in the Falling Soldier picture reproduced in Life magazine.

I don´t agree with this theory, because of two hypotheses highly making sense:

a) I do believe that both Vu magazine of September 23rd 1936 and Life magazine July 12nd 1937 didn´t work from the original 35 mm negative of the Falling Soldier, but with a medium size copy made on b & w photographic paper, because in that time it was very frequent to make different copies on paper from the original negatives, positives which were distributed to different newspapers, magazines, etc.


The original 24 x 36 mm black and white negative of the Falling Soldier picture was probably bigger on the right and higher on top than the image appearing in Vu and Life magazines which are the ones more or less known by everybody.

I do believe that Csiki Weisz, the expert darkroom man working for Capa in Paris, took the decision of cropping the proportions of the 2: 3 ratio original negative ( featuring more surface on the right and on top than the iconic image we know) on working with the enlarger in order to make several copies in four thirds proportion on black and white photographic paper.

It all spins around the four thirds format, without any doubt the most suitable for newspapers and magazines reproduction of pictures.

And from two of these 4:3 format paper copies both Vu and Life magazines editors worked, obviously having been bigger the cropping made by the French magazine editor than that implemented in the American one.


In any case, this would explain that both the 3.75 : 2.15 ratio Falling Soldier picture appearing in Vu magazine and the 13:10 ratio Falling Soldier picture appearing in Life magazine keep identical lower area of the image while at the same time the Life magazine photograph has got a much larger sky area over the head of the Falling Soldier which would evidently be impossible if the two pictures had been made from an original 35 mm negative featuring a 24 x 36 ratio coinciding exactly with the lower area of Vu and Life magazines.

This probable hypothesis of an original 35 mm negative of the Falling Soldier having more exposed surface (which was cropped to make the copies on b & w photographic paper in a four thirds ratio much suitable for the newspapers and magazines of the period) on his right and top than what we see in the images of Vu and Life magazines, would mean approximately a 30% bigger original image both horizontally on the right and vertically really captured by Capa in Espejo during the photographic act, which was subsequently cropped by Csiki Weisz on using the enlarger in his Paris darkroom to make some 4:3 format copies on paper for their distribution to different media. And subsequently, on their turn, the editor of each magazine chose his own paging criteria to make further crops in different ratios or leaving it as it was.

b) It can´t be excluded at all a second hypothesis, maybe more probable than the first one: that Life magazine, even having a medium size 3:2 aspect ratio copy on b & w photographic paper made from the original 24 x 36 mm Falling Soldier negative exposed by Robert Capa, extended the top area by cloning sky through some printing, retouching or photomechanic technique over the high border limits of the 3 : 2 proportions of this hypothetical copy on paper in order to adapt it to the 4:3 aspect ratio of picture needed by Life.


Obviously, there wasn´t any photoshop or digital media to implement such a filling of sky over the proportions of an original 24 x 36 mm or copy on paper respecting the 3 : 2 ratio, but we know that from around the times of the Russian revolution it was a common practice to use different methods to add or remove things in important photographs. And this was a very important picture.


I´m not saying at all that if this happened it was a serious manipulation, because we´d be speaking about cloning sky by means of an analog technique or retouching, increasing it upwards beyond the top boundary of a 24 x 36 mm original negative or copy on paper in 3 : 2 ratio until attaining a four thirds image necessary for Life magazine, something very different for instance to the extensively frequent manipulation of photographs made during the Stalinist regime in Russia (erasing of Trotsky in some pictures being by Lenin - celebrating the second anniversary of the Russian Revolution in Red Square and in other picture in which he´s in uniform beside a wooden pulpit on which Lenin rallies the troops to fight Poland-; removal of Nikolai Yezhov, chief of the Soviet secret police of the original picture in which he appears walking by the Moscow Volga Canal with Stalin, Molotov and Voroshilov on left of the image; etc.

AN AUTHENTIC PHOTOGRAPH

The Falling Soldier is too on the left in the image we all know. This is an authentic photograph, not a fake, stage, ruse using a tripod or anything like that, and the man appearing in it (independently on the location where the picture was taken and his real identity) is killed because of a high velocity 7 x 57 mm bullet.

If it had been a stage, fake, etc, made with a tripod - or without it-, the militiaman wouldn´t be so on the left, everything would be more perfect and the cut of the lower border of the frame wouldn´t be so tight almost cutting the feet. And the photographer wouldn´t have cut part of the butt of the Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle being held by the militiaman´s right hand.

It´s absolutely evident that Capa didn´t use a tripod to make the Falling Soldier picture and the following one (the second militiaman shot and not instantly killed but very seriously injured) and there wasn´t any tripod either when Capa made the previous photograph to the Falling Soldier in which there are other three militiamen running down the wheat covered slope on a near point, but with Capa grabbing with his hands his Leica III Model F (1933-1939) more horizontally.


In both the Falling Soldier picture and the immediately previous photograph, Capa strives after getting the best pictures he can do, moving his camera and making a kind of panning following the militiamen and searching for the best framing feasible, until he decides pressing the shutter release button of his 35 mm camera.

Capa doesn´t wait until the Falling Soldier (and the other three militiamen of the previous picture) enters the frame, but strives after following him with the rectangular viewfinder to frame him while he´s in motion.

It seems clear that the Falling Soldier comes running down the slope and is very near Capa (though not as near as the previous three militiamen running down - two of them visible, while we can only see the barrel tip of the Mauser rifle of the third one protruding on top left of the image- ) when he makes him the picture.

Bearing in mind that Capa was using his Leica with a 50 mm lens when he made this picture, he had to act very quickly to make the picture of the Falling Soldier who came running down near him.

That´s why the Falling Soldier is so on the left. Very clearly this is not any kind of stage or posing. This is a highly instinctive picture taken by Capa as fast as he could, because on being using a 50 mm lens, waiting only a split second more would have rendered an image with lower area of the legs and the feet under the bottom border of the frame, id est, out of the picture. Photographic instinct and talent.


The famous militiaman comes very quickly towards Capa, and the best war photographer of al time needs to press the shutter release button of his Leica camera as soon as possible, because the margin of manoeuver of a standard 50 mm lens in this context is more limited than a 35 mm or 28 mm wideangle lens.

This is rather an imperfect and bad quality picture to be a stage, beginning with the highly significant fact that the features of the Falling Soldier can´t be discerned, along with the aforementioned location of the body excessively on the left, with part of the Mauser rifle butt cropped.

Capa wasn´t a photographer following the steps of Henri Cartier-Bresson regarding masterful composition and geometric balance or infused with highly stylist ways of making things like Edward Steichen or Cecil Beaton.

Capa´s way of working was essentially based on a tremendous sense of timing (perhaps the most gifted war photographer ever in this regard along with Marc Riboud) and always approaching to the limit with respect to the human beings he photographed, along with great speed of movements, framings and pressing of his cameras shutter release buttons, thanks to his remarkable athletic condition and a tremendous steady yearning for being at the most suitable moment in the best possible spot to make the picture and above all taking to the limit the gist of his photography: maximum approach to his subjects and capturing of the most interesting instants with lenses between 28 and 50 mm, the core of legendary top-notch photojournalism.



We´ve got a lot of examples epitomizing this: his picture on November 7th 1938 during the Republican offensive on Rio Segre, of a Republican soldier in the throes of death on a stretcher, covered by a blanket, with a big bloodied dressing and his left cheek and nose even more bloodied, saying his last words to his relatives before dying while a comrade is writing them down on a notebook; the Chinese child killed while trying to save his chicken and piglet during the Battle of Tai´erzhuang, on the Xuzhou Front (China), in 1938 during the war between China and Japan; the highly confused old woman walking mislead around a carriage after the caravan of refugees escaping from Tarragona to Barcelona has just suffered a fascist air attack on January 15th 1939; covering the D-Day landing on June 6th 1936 going among the troops and risking his life once more; the famous "Last Shot" picture made by Capa in Leipzig in an apartment at the corner of Lütznerstrasse and the Jahnalle on April 18th 1945 while he was accompanying a platoon of machine gunners showing an American soldier dead on the ground with a blood puddle immediately after being shot by a German sniper (this killed American machine gunner and some more had been previously photographed by Capa for some minutes while they installed a machine gun on the balcony of the apartment. Capa made the pictures with both a 35 mm Contax camera and a medium format 6 x 6 cm Rolleiflex. Needless to say that of course Capa didn´t use any tripod), etc.

I don´t think at all that the Falling Soldier picture made in Espejo was a fake, stage, tripod mounting ruse or anything like that. And indeed it wasn´t that way.

The picture is authentic and the man appearing on it was really killed by a high velocity 7 x 57 mm bullet shot by a sniper.

THE HYPOTHESIS OF THE SNIPER GAINS EVEN MORE MOMENTUM
As proved by elrectanguloenlamano in http://elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com/2009/06/robert-capa-in-cerro-muriano-day-in_21.html there weren´t any Francoist troops attacking the Republican militiamen while Robert Capa and Gerda Taro were taking all the pictures belonging
to the Falling Soldier series (both the already known and the new ones unveiled by ICP with the exhibition This is War! Robert Capa at War in its chapter devoted to the Falling Soldier famous photograph).

And it is highly evident that they didn´t try to deceive future observers of the pictures into believing that there was real fight against rebel forces, something very apparent in a high percentage of the quoted photographs (a total of approximately 40 between Capa and Taro).

The Republican militiamen, many of them anarchists from Alcoi, are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him -, from the moment the two photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or the wheat covered slope, etc, as we see in a lot of different pictures of the series, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Both Robert Capa and Gerda Taro are there and take the pictures to capture this very special revolutionary and overjoy experienced by the militiamen during those moments.

I don´t agree at all with José Manuel Susperregui´s statement saying that all the photographs of the Falling Soldier pictures are staged, if we mean with "staged" that they all were arranged by Capa and Taro who were placing the militiamen, photograph by photograph, previously to each picture.

I don´t think so, specially after having seen the 21 b & w contacts recently unveiled by ICP in the excellent ICP/Steidl book This is War! Robert Capa at Work and made from the 21 original 35 mm existing negatives of the Falling Soldier series made by Robert Capa with his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) 35 mm rangefinder camera.

It seems clear that in a very high percentage of the photographs the militiamen moved very quickly, being crazy to be photographed, and Capa and Taro did what they could to capture all that madness of runnings, simulating of aiming against non existing enemy troops attacking them, other militiamen pretending to be cocking the bolts of their Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifles, onslaughts holding their rifles with both hands against Francoist soldiers, occasional posings with their rifles pointing upwards, other groups of militiamen arranged in chaotic formation simulating to aim at the enemy with one knee on the ground and the barrels of their guns pointing in the most various directions.

In this regard, the middle left picture of This is War! Robert Capa at War ICP/STEIDL book in which we see six militiamen simulating to aim and shoot in front of Capa´s Leica, is very enlightening to explain what was happening while Capa and Taro made the pictures, without forgetting Taro´s picture on the left in page 74 of this book showing a slightly out of focus militiaman on the right aiming his rifle (out of image) at the sky, and a background in which we can see in smaller size the Falling Soldier aiming his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm rifle diagonally at the sky, while just on the right of him we can observe another militiaman holding his Mauser rifle vertically with its barrel pointing at the sky (this militiaman is the same being second from left in the page 61 picture of the book -which is very important to explain the context in which Capa and Taro make the Falling Soldier series as we´ll see now- being between the Falling Soldier instantly killed by a 7 x 57 mm bullet and the second falling soldier not instantly killed but dying within minutes because of a second 7 mm Spanish Mauser shot by the same sniper).

No soldiers on earth would behave this way if enemy soldiers are attacking them. It´s impossible that Capa and Taro want to deceive anybody into believing that there´s real combat in these two mentioned pictures. There are many more in which similar things happen and whose details are reported in Chapter 9 of elrectanguloenlamano research.

Through recent years, there have been a lot of people stating or suggesting that the pictures are not authentic, that they were fakes previously arranged by Capa and Taro, picture by picture, having given instructions to the militiamen in advance before each image.

But evidently, it didn´t happen that way with the immense majority of images making up the Falling Soldier series, the only exceptions being perhaps three pictures (pages 80, 81 and 82 of the book) in which Capa is inside the trench and clearly prepared in advance to make the pictures from bottom to top of the jumping militiamen, though there´s a high probability that Capa didn´t make things utterly 100% on his own, at free will, in these three pictures either.

Professor Susperregui´s discovery of Espejo as the location where Robert Capa made the Falling Soldier picture (and the rest of images making up the series, including the 21 b & w aforementioned 35 mm contacts) highly increases the hypothesis that there was at least one high rank loyalist officer and a political anarchist chief while Capa and Taro made the pictures, because there were very important Republican forces in Espejo, specially one part of the Alcoi Column -which had departured from Alcoy on August 7th 1936 going to Córdoba front, and which on arriving at Pedro Abad village was splitted into two: one marching towards Cerro Muriano (Córdoba) and the other one towards Espejo (Córdoba)- along with other units made up by both militiamen and loyalist regular troops, all of them under the command of major Perez Salas who had some light and heavy cannons.

In the important photograph of page 61 of This is War! Robert Capa at Work catalogue book, we can see ten militiamen (the Falling Soldier being the first from left) brandishing rifles on the trench, a loyalist Republican officer behind them wearing an army cap, and the sixth man from the left (only part of his head can be seen) who also appears in the 35 mm b & w contact number 869 of page 67 of the book with his Mauser rifle leaned on the trench border on his right while he´s got his right arm raised at the height of his head and apparently saying some words or giving instructions to other militiamen who are simulating to aim at attacking Francoist troops.

Though this man is clad in fatigue clothes and has got his sleeves turned up, his appearance and behaviour in the only two pictures in which he appears suggests a high probability that he can be a kind of political local chief or anarchist comissar.

It´s very important to bear in mind that during the Spanish Civil War, both sides used photographs with propagandist aims, and those made by Capa and Taro were no exception in this regard.

Actually, both foreign photographers had got special press authorizations and documents allowing them to travel across Spain without any problem on an official press car with a driver working for them.

But it doesn´t mean necessarily that Capa and Taro had 100% full powers to do what they wanted at every moment and everywhere, and I think that apart from the key factor of the overjoyed militiamen yearning after being photographed and making all kind of movements and runs to attain it, both the quoted loyalist officer and the other man perhaps having a political post inside the anarchist forces in Espejo, probably gave instructions at some moment for the militiamen to fulfil, maybe including the three photographs made by Capa from inside the trench and different militiamen jumping over the trench.

In any case, bearing in mind the previous circumstances, I´ve got a lot of doubts about the accuracy of calling "staged pictures" to the immense majority of photographs made by Capa and Taro on the wheat covered slope, because in my viewpoint they didn´t need to give any instruction or order the militiamen to make the pictures, but simply to pay top attention to their movements, running and overjoy, trying to capture the best moments depicting the unique atmosphere they were seeing.

All hints indicate that Robert Capa and Gerda Taro made the approximately 40 pictures of the Falling Soldier series in Espejo at the end of August 1936 or between 1-4 september 1936.

Even, there are 27 b & w original nitrate 35 mm Kodak panchromatic negatives appeared inside the Mexican case containing images of a lot of Republican militiamen - some of them exceedingly young - utterly exhausted after combats and sleeping on the ground by their weapons. These recently unveiled pictures would indicate that Capa and Taro really arrived at Córdoba front during the last week of August 1936, shortly after Miaja´s forces had been about to take the city on August 20th, and both of them were making pictures of Republican militiamen in the area between Córdoba capital and Cerro Muriano comprising Pedroches, Orive Bajo, Los Pradillos, Torreárboles, etc, because the city of Córdoba was highly menaced by Republican forces until September 5th 1936 in which fascist forces began its attack on Cerro Muriano which would end with the capture of the village on September 6th 1936.

In any case, it´s very difficult to pinpoint the exact spot near Córdoba city where Robert Capa made the quoted twenty-seven photographs in which most of the militiamen seem to Andalusian ones, different men and different place to the ones photographed by Robert Capa and Gerda Taro in the Falling Soldier series on the wheat covered slope of Senda de Hornijeros in Espejo, the latter being above all anarchist militiamen from Alcoi (Alicante).

And there are still more pictures made by Capa probably during the last week of August:

- A Republican militiaman appearing sat on a chair tilted backwards and leaned on a white wall, while the man holds vertically with his legs a rifle whose barrel tip has got a rose and a second chair can be observed on his right. This is a mysteryous photograph appearing on page 69 of the book Robert Capa Cuadernos de Guerra en España (1936-1939) Colección Imagen, whose original negative hasn´t appeared till now.

- A standing Republican officer clad in fatigue clothes making a speech for a lot of militiamen around him. His head is oriented towards the left of the image. There´s a car with its doors opened in the left background, and the whole photograph is framed on its top area by the leaves of an oak. This is a very eclectic group of men: there are a number of anarchists from CNT and FAI, a loyalist officer with army cap (on the left of the picture), a loyalist regular soldier with metal helmet (also on the left of the image, in the background), some Andalusian militiamen with the typical large hat of this area of Spain, some Andalusian peasants wearing bonnets, etc.

The original negative of this picture hasn´t appeared till now either.

So, the new discovery of Espejo as the real location where the Falling Soldier series of pictures was (including the 21 b & w contacts of the This is War! Robert Capa at Work ICP/STEIDL book) made, the two aforementioned photographs and the twenty-seven images of overexhausted and sleeping on the ground militiamen appeared in the Mexican case, would clearly prove that the various sources having stated for years that Capa and Taro arrived at the Andalusian front on September 5th 1936, after having departured the day before from Madrid, going to Montoro and subsequently to Cerro Muriano are wrong.

There was some error in the origin of that piece of information.

It seems clear now that unlike Clemente Cimorra, Hans Namuth and Franz Borkenau, (who arrived by Republican press cars in Montoro and then Cerro Muriano on September 5th 1936), Robert Capa and Gerda Taro arrived at Córdoba Front during the last week of August 1936, going firstly to the north surroundings of Córdoba city (to make pictures of the Republican forces still besieging the capital of the High Guadalquivir) making the photographs of the exhausted mostly Andalusian militiamen, then to Espejo where was approximately the 60% of forces of the Columna Alcoyana with its famous anarchist militiamen, and from there to Cerro Muriano (a village 15 km in the north of Cordoba city) where they arrived on September 5th 1936, being there the whole day making pictures in different areas.

From a theoretical viewpoint, it would be impossible the real death of the Falling Soldier in Espejo the day Capa took the picture ( most probably during the last week of August 1936 or between 1-4 September 1936), because on those dates there weren´t any combats between Republican and Francoist units in Espejo.

The battle between attacking fascist troops and Republican defenders of Espejo didn´t happen until September 22nd 1936.

As reported by José Manuel Martínez Bande (the top specialist on Spanish Civil War in Andalucia together with Francisco Moreno Gómez), on September 21th 1936, colonel Sáenz of Buruaga, high commander of the Francoist troops in the area, organized two columns under the commands of majors Sagrado and Baturone, who respectively departing from Córdoba city and Montilla, should conquer Espejo and Castro del Río (Castro del Río had already been unsuccessfully attacked by General Varela on August 6th and 7th 1936, but he had to stop the attack because of the fierce defense made by the militiamen).

On September 22th 1936, the rebel troops start their advance from Córdoba city, capturing the cortijo of Torres Cabrera without any resistance, while the Republican forces retreated to the village of Espejo.

On September 23th 1936, the combined movements of both rebel columns take place: major Sagrado´s one seizes Santa Cruz and Baturone´s one is fixed at a distance of two kilometers from Espejo, stopped by the fire of abundant militiamen and refular loyalist forces under the command of major Pérez Salas, who makes a highly skilful and accurate use of his light and heavy batteries, provoking a lot of casualties among the attacking forces.

This is one of the most tremendous fights of the Spanish Civil War, not with such high numbers of effectives as for instance Gandesa during Ebro Battle in 1938, but on a par with it regarding resolve by both sides.

The rebel forces know the great importance of capturing Espejo village as soon as possible, and majors Sagrado and Baturone´s columns begin a new full scale onslaught against Pérez Salas Republican forces on September 24th 1936.

The new attack is devastating, taking part in it abundant fascist artillery and aviation, with a more than fierce attack by the Squadron of Regulares of Melilla (inside major Sagrado´s column together with the " Gran Capitán Battalion", a squadron of volunteers from Córdoba, two centurias of Falange, a section of Guardias Civiles, a 75 mm battery and a sappers section) and the Tabor of Regulares of Melilla (inside Baturone´s column, together with an incomplete battalion of Cádiz Regiment, a hundred requetés, a section of Guardias Civiles, a 105 mm battery and a sappers section) as spearhead of the thrust.

A pitched battle happens: the Alcoyanos anarchist militiamen face frontally the Tabors of Regulares (at this moment the best infantry in the world together with the legionnaires) and die on their posts to the last man, fighting heroically and being almost 100% annihilated.

Major Pérez Salas directs the Republican batteries with high efficiency, bringing about a lot of casualties among the attacking Francoist forces, but the advance of both rebel columns is inexorable until they make contact, preparing for the definitive assault of Espejo village the next day.

On the morning of September 25th 1936, major Pérez Salas and all the Republican forces defending Espejo manage to stop all the rebel attempts to advance towards both the village and the 380 hill.

After some hours of stalemate, at 1:00 pm in the afternoon, the rebel commanders decide making use of all their available artillery and aviation, bombing Espejo village and the hills on its east, after which three rebel companies attack through the west of the village of Espejo, being followed by an attack by the squadron of Regulares through the northwest, overwhelming the Republican artillery and trenches and finishing the conquest of Espejo village on capturing the castle using hand grenades, with a total of 108 dead Republican men and 22 rebel ones.

Bearing in mind that the famous Falling Soldier picture made by Robert Capa appeared in the French Vu magazine of September 23th 1936, it is evident that there weren´t any Francoist troops attacking the militiamen captured by Capa in the different photographs belonging to the Falling Soldier series, including the twenty-one images of the page 67 contacts of the ICP/STEIDL catalogue book, the moment of death photograph and the rest of pictures.

On his turn, the pro rebel witness José Cirre Jiménez praises the bravery of the Republican forces in this battle, and reports that the fight for Espejo lasted four consecutive days (September 22, 23, 24 and 25 of 1936).

But José Cirre Jiménez adds another significant piece of information regarding the previous weeks: while the combats in Cerro Muriano area were taking place on September 5th and 6th 1936, Republican General Miaja was in his headquarters of Espejo, where very abundant forces of the loyalist regular army in Levante area along with militias from Andalucia had been gathered.

If we bear in mind that the famous Columna Alcoyana ( with a total of 1224 men made up by 534 loyalist regular soldiers belonging to the Infantry Regiment Vizcaya nº 12 from Alcoi and 687 anarchist militiamen - most of them from the CNT - ) had departed from Alcoi on August 7th 1936 and on arriving at the village fo Pedro Abad (Córdoba) on August 9th 1936 had split into two: one going to Cerro Muriano under the command of the second lieutenant Melquiades Valiente together with Enrique Vañó Nicomedes as Chief of Militias, and another one going to Espejo under the command of lieutenant Roberto García, we must add the latter as part of the strong Republican forces defending Espejo.

Id est, the anarchist militiamen appearing in the complete Falling Soldier series, both those made by Robert Capa (the previous picture to the Falling Soldier with three militiamen running down the slope, the Falling Soldier itself, the next photograph after the Falling Soldier picture in which we see another anarchist militiaman very seriously injured, the last photograph depicting the corpse of the second militiaman shot grabbing his Mosquetón Mauser, the pictures of different militiamen jumping the trench and leaning on it simulating opening fire, all the twenty one images recently unveiled of the existing 35 mm negatives of the Falling Soldier and the also recently unveiled photographs made by Gerda Taro on the same wheat covered slope) and Gerda Taro, were in Espejo since August 9th 1936.

José Cirre Jiménez also reports: "After capturing Cerro Muriano village on September 6th 1936, the rebel commanders decide to reduce a bulge concentrated on Espejo and Castro del Río, which menaced Córdoba capital and cut the road from Córdoba to Baena. The liquidation of this bulge would utterly clear the pressure on the Cordovan capital". And after this, he goes on making a description of Espejo Battle events between September 22 and 25 1936 similar to the one made by José Manuel Martínez Bande.

Therefore, only from September 22nd 1936 on there was real battle between defending Republican forces and attacking rebel ones in Espejo area.

So, if both Robert Capa and Gerda Taro made the pictures between September 1nd-5th 1936 or September 7th-16th 1936 (the only two possibilities enabling their photographs arriving in time for being inserted in Vu magazine of September 23th 1936 (where the picture of the Falling
Soldier appears for the first time) and Regards September 24th 1936 magazine, and on those dates there weren´t any Francoist troops attacking Espejo, should we infer that Capa ordered the Falling Soldier to fall backwards, and after taking him the picture (of course with the help of a tripod), the militiaman got up again?

And even more: should we infer that the same happened with the second militiaman shot (not instantly killed, but very seriously injured and dying within minutes as we know with the unveiling by ICP of the last picture of the Falling Soldier series depicting the corpse of this second militiaman shot on a lower area of the wheat covered slope): Did Capa give him instructions to fall backwards exactly on the same point as the Falling Soldier and after he took him the photograph (of course with the help of a tripod) , this second shot militiaman also got up?

DEFINITELY, I DON´T THINK SO.

THE TWO DEATHS WERE REAL, CAPA DIDN´T USE ANY RUSE WITH OR WITHOUT A TRIPOD TO MAKE THEM AND THE PICTURES ARE AUTHENTIC, THE TWO DEATHS BEING PROVOKED BY SHOTS MADE BY A SNIPER.

In order to properly understand the context in which combats took place in Andalusia at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, it´s very important to know that during July, August and September of 1936, the effectives of the feared troops of the Spanish Army of Africa were very few in numbers.

They had begun to be transferred mostly by plane and to a lesser degree by sea from the outbreak of the war.

An aerial bridge had to be improvised mainly taking Tabor of Regulares and legionnaires soldiers from Sania Ramel airdrome in Tetuán (Morocco) to the airdromes of Jerez de La Frontera, Cádiz and Tablada.

At the end of September of 1936, approximately 9,746 professional Spanish legionnaires and 9,183 Moroccan men belonging to Tabors of Regulares had arrived at Andalusia.That´s to say, a total of almost 20,000 troops, clearly a very low figure of men, who during the first three months of conflict were very often surrounded everywhere by overwhelmingly bigger quantities of Republican forces and the steady risk of being encircled and annihilated.

From the beginning, the rebel army commanders were forced to stretching lines to the maximum and thoroughly study in advance -often with weeks of anticipation- each area of future combats, spying the defensive Republican forces and the location of their trenches, doing their best to discern the best points of future attacks, because any error would be lethal due to the quoted very low number of effectives the Francoist troops had in Andalucia during the first months of the Spanish Civil War.

The accuracy of the best day and moment of attack was top priority and a question of survival for the Francoist forces in the south of Spain, who were isolated from the rest of rebel forces in the Iberian Peninsula and had great difficulties to replace their casualties.

These missions regarding the previous study of future combat operations zones, specially the
assault of villages defended by Republican forces (loyalist soldiers and officers and above all armed popular militias from CNT and FAI) was most times assigned to the Tabor of Regulares men, vast majority of them being great snipers attaining amazing levels of accuracy in long
distance shots with their long barrel Mausers 1893 model caliber 7 x 57 mm Mauser rifles.

On the other hand, these Moroccan Tabor of Regulares soldiers featured a huge experience of a lot of years making colonnial war based on advancing with a small column having few firing means (id est, with no artillery or only a few batteries) and going deeply into an enemy territory, so the column was in a steady risk of being encircled and wiped out.

And the war waged by the Army of Africa Francoist troops in Andalusia during the first year of the conflict in Andalusia was highly similar to that.

As aforementioned, the most experienced Tabor of Regulares men were constantly assigned the mission of spying with a lot of advance the Republican forces defending villages or strategic points and gather as much information as possible as to the quantity of enemy forces being there, exact location of the trenches, spots where batteries were deployed, levels of defence of the
vital (as we´ll see later) surrounding hills dominating the villages and strongholds in the hands of Republican troops, etc.

These Tabor of Regulares snipers checking enemy positions beforehand, had often a simultaneous role fixing enemy troops on their posts and preventing them from making any movement altering the lines, something which happened for instance during the whole September 5th 1936 in which the Francoist men didn´t assault Cerro Muriano village (they had some chances to do it), preferring to fix them with the Tabor of Regulares snipers of coronel Sáenz of Buruaga and waiting for the conquest of Las Malagueñas and Torreárboles hills to make a less risky and definitive coordinate assault between Tabor of Regulares and Varela´s and Baturone´s legionnaires during the dawn of September 6th 1936.

On the other hand, the Francoist troops from the Army of Africa, whose spearhead were the elite infantry made up by Moroccan Tabor of Regulares men and the legionnaires, did always their best to avoid purely frontal attacks, preferring to carry out the attack with different Tabors and from various directions, with the encircling manoeuvre as decisive goal.

Obviously, the quoted checking of the enemy missions performed by selected men belonging to
Tabor of Regulares small units called "mias" (companies on foot or on horses) were very risky, because the Moroccan scouters had to be prolongued elapses of time very near the enemy trenches, and if spotted, chances were of being killed, but they had got some important advantages:

- They were very skilful fighters on sloped and hill covered terrain.

- They had a great accuracy shooting with their 1893 Model Mauser rifles and their many years of combat experience in colonnial war enabled them to open fire very quickly keeping the precision even under the most stressful conditions, so if discovered, any enemy soldier trying to approach them would have been killed from a long or medium distance. The accuracy of the Moroccan Tabor of Regulares men had brought about a lot of fear since the times of Asturias Revolution in 1934, which was crushed by the Army of Africa in the middle of a great repression.

- They were highly deft camouflaging into the ground, and to spot them was not easy.

- The close combat factor: perhaps the most significant one, because nobody wished to fix bayonet against the Moroccan Tabor of Reguleres men, from a military viewpoint in 1936 the best infantry in the world also in this respect.

- The psychological factor: the Moroccan infantry of the Tabors of Regulares were very feared, and though the commanders of the Republican units knew that chances of proximity of Tabor of Regulares scouters spying them were high, wisdom made them to keep their own troops - both loyalist regular soldiers and militiamen- on their positions, since organizing sorties across open field trying to capture those Tabor scouters could be suicidal, in spite of having much higher own quantity of soldiers than them. The Moroccan snipers would undoubtedless have been able to make a very high number of casualties on any Republican troops going for them. To be on the trenches was definitely the most prudent action.

El control de la carretera que va de Córdoba a Baena y que pasa por Atalayuela, Torres Cabrera, Santa Cruz, Espejo, Castro del Río y Baena era un objetivo muy importante, así como el dominio y vigilancia de las carreteras secundarias que llevan a Nueva Carteya y Montilla.

Espejo and Castro del Río meant for the Francoist forces a dangerous cut between Córdoba city and Baena road, so they tried to reduce it from the first week of August 1936.

This way, general Varela made an attack trying to firstly capture Castro del Río and then Espejo, but the column attempting it (which had departed from Montilla) found a tremendous resistance by the anarchist militiamen, and had to come back to Montilla two days later.

But on 14th August 1936, two little rebel columns from Córdoba city and Ecija (in hands of Francoist troops) attacked on the west of Montilla (also under fascist rule) and conquered the villages of La Rambla, Montalbán and Santaella.

Bearing in mind that the important villages more in the south and west of Córdoba province
(Puente Genil, Aguilar de la Frontera, Moriles, Benamejí, Montilla, El Canuelo -on the north of Priego de Córdoba-, Castil de Campos -on the northeast of Priego de Córdoba-, Almedinilla -on the east of Priego de Córdoba, near the border with Jaén province-, Encinas Reales - in the south of Lucena, near the border with Málaga province-, El Tarajal - on the north of Priego de Córdoba-, Carcabuey -on the west of Priego de Córdoba-, Lucena, Rute, Priego de Córdoba) were in rebel hands since the beginning of the coup d´etat in July, and that other smaller villages in the south and east of Córdoba province were captured by rebel forces during the course of August 1936 (Fuente Tójar in the north of Priego of Córdoba, on 10th), Badolatosa (in the south of Puente Genil, on 11th ), Jauja (on the east of Badolatosa, on 13th), El Higueral (on the right of Rute and very near the frontier with Granada province, on 20th), Cuevas Bajas (in the south of Rute and beside the frontier with Málaga province, on 27th), El Remolino, Sotogordo -in the south of Puente Genil- and Palomar -immediately on the east area of Puente Genil- (on 29th), and after communication had been established on 24th between Rute and Iznájar (the latter being in the south east of Rute, very near the frontier with Granada province), it was clear that the next targets of Francoist troops would be Espejo and Castro del Río, two very important villages which meant two blocking spots on the vital Córdoba-Baena road, of top paramount significance for the fascist troops.

But this would be the maximum advance of Francoist troops on the south and southeast of Córdoba province during August, because their numbers of effectives were very low and top priority was to eliminate the pressure of general Miaja´s Republican forces trying to conquer Córdoba city and Alcolea from mid August, specially with assault attempts taken out from the north of the Higher Guadalquivir capital, with important loyalist effectives sparsed in Cerro Muriano village, Torreárboles, Las Malagueñas, etc, which were a constant threat for the city of Córdoba, so the onslaughts on Espejo and Castro del Río had tro be delayed until the end of September, because the Francoist troops hadn´t enough effectives to cover all the lines and at the same time defending the steady menace on Córdoba which would only be avoided from September 6th 1936 with the conquest of Cerro Muriano village.

Besides, the Republican forces in Córdoba province were very important in effectives, also having significant quantities of artillery and aviation supporting them: major Armentia on the north of Cerro Muriano, major Balibrea on Villafranca and Pedro Abad, major G. Vallejo and the socialist deputy Peris on the west of Bujalance, major Vigueira on the east of Torres Cabrera, major Pérez Salas in Espejo and lieutenant Roberto García in Castro del Río, the general Miaja´s Republican headquarters in Córdoba province being in Montoro.

This way, until mid September, the Francoist columns in Andalucia under the command of general Varela, coronel Sáenz of Buruaga, Baturone (who captured palma del Río on August 26th 1936), Sagrado would be dedicated - from the end of August- to relieve the capital of Córdoba from the constant menace of abundant Republican forces just in the north of the city, specially in Cerro Muriano area, Torreárboles and Las Malagueñas hill and after the conquest of both knolls and the village of Cerro Muriano itself on September 5th and 6th 1936.

But after this, general Varela and coronel Sáenz of Buruaga were forced to reorganize the columns for around two weeks, preparing them for future actions.

This way, if all updated evidence suggest that Robert Capa and Gerda Taro were in Espejo during the last week of August or between 1-4 September 1936 making all the Falling Soldier series pictures on the wheat covered slope of Senda de Hornijeros in the outskirts of the village, I´m firmly persuaded that the shots killing both the first anarchist loyalist militiaman (instant death) and the second one (very badly injured and dying within a few minutes) were made by a hidden Tabor of Regulares sniper belonging to a "mia" having been assigned a reconnaissance and fixing role between Espejo and Castro del Río, whose main task was to avoid any possible transfer or movement of Republican troops between those two villages, and above all to control the vital Córdoba-Baena stretch of road and also the one linking Espejo and Castro del Río with Nueva Carteya.

It was decisive for the rebel high command to have constant very updated info regarding the location and movements of Republican forces on the southeast of Córdoba province, above all in Espejo and Castro del Río where very strong and abundant Republican forces had been gathered (a powerful eclectic merge of loyalist officers, regular army soldiers, militiamen from different areas of Andalucia and Levante and the famous CNT and FAI anarchist militiamen from Alcoi always fighting to the death).

The Francoist high command was very worried thinking about the possibility of a southeast-north direction attack of these very abundant and highly equipped with artillery forces to rout the rebel forces engaged from August 20th 1936 in freeing the siege on Córdoba.

And because of the already very low figure of troops from the Army of Africa of the Francoist high command in Andalusia during the three first months of the war, it was impossible to properly defend this risk of attack from the southeast, mainly from Espejo and Castro del Río.

Furthermore, the very strong loyalist forces in Espejo and Castro del Río had very good high officers commanding them, to know: the famous major Pérez Salas (sporting a tremendous skill and accuracy using all caliber artillery, and whose feats are incredibly still very present in the memory of a lot of old and middle age inhabitants of Córdoba province) and the lieutenant Roberto García (a well prepared officer featuring great bravery and charisma among the confederal militias).

This way, the only provisional solution is to send very little contingents of Moroccan snipers from Tabor of Regulares, featuring extraordinary agility, mobility and shooting accuracy to watch the enemy in the area, the location of their trenches, how the hills dominating the villages are being defended and above all the vital stretches of the road Córdoba-Baena and Espejo-Castro del Río-Nueva Carteya being in the outskirts of Espejo.

For some reason, while Robert Capa is making the pictures with his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939), one of the hidden Moroccan snipers opens fire killing the first Falling Soldier and leaving the second one very seriously injured.

There are some experts stating that a few seconds elapse between the two 7 x 57 mm lethal bullets, and others saying that a few minutes elapse because of the very little changes in the background clouds, though it´s not easy to 100% ascertain it.

In any case, there are two real deaths, the first one being instantly because of a 7 x 57 mm bullet shot by the 1893 Model Mauser 7 x 57 mm long barrel rifle of a hidden Tabor of Regulares sniper piercing the militiaman´s heart and killing him instantly because of the shock (in-depth info on this topic in http://elrectanguloenlamano.blogspot.com/2009/05/robert-capa-in-cerro-muriano-day-in_29.html) brought about by the high velocity, stopping power and placing of the bullet which bring about a hydraulic effect.

There have been in recent times highly wrong statements regarding that to throw backwards a man running down you need to have a magnum pistol, etc.

First of all, the wheat covered slope appearing in the picture of the Falling Soldier is moderate, not steep.

Secondly, the properties of a magnum pistol or revolver caliber are very different to the ones featured by a high velocity rifle bullet like the 7 mm Spanish Mauser, whose stopping and killing power at medium and high distances is obviously much more devastating than a Magnum pistol or gun.

The quoted hydraulic effect provoked by the 7 x 57 mm bullet can sometimes even produce the death without touching a vital organ, so we can imagine the absolutely devastating effect of a shot on the heart of a man who is overconfident and overjoyed, not expecting at all the presence of enemy forces in the area, so natural defences are not oriented anyway as would happen in a real combat contexts with enemy units attacking and everybody tense, stressful and feeling the
fear to die.

Needless to say that a Spanish Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber can kill an elephant if the hunter places the bullet on a vital organ, up to a distance of approximately 400 meters, because of the great penetration capacity and flat trajectory of this bullet. This lethal range increases considerably if we refer to a human target.

On the other hand, there have been people stating that the picture of the Falling Soldier is false because you can´t see any blood on the militiaman´s shirt.

That´s not true. We´d see the blood if it was a feature film, but Capa´s camera freezes the action in a split second which could be for instance 1/60th or 1/25th (bearing in mind that the 35 mm emulsion used was Kodak nitrate panchromatic b & w film equivalent to aprroximately iso 32 or 40), so everything is so quick that it hasn´t been enough time for the blood begin to sprout.

But you can be sure: immediately after real death of this militiaman, he had two points of blood exit because the 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullet pierced his heart at great speed (730 meters/sec).

Besides, I trust very much on captain Robert L. Franks (Chief Homicide Detective of the Memphis Police Department) forensic analysis of the Falling Soldier picture proving that the death is real, in the same way as his explanation of why the body of the first Falling Soldier doesn´t appear in the photograph of the next shot militiaman very seriously injured on the ground.

There´s no doubt: the two deaths were real and provoked by the shots of a sniper belonging to a very little contingent drawn from a "mia" of Tabor of Regulares having been assigned the reconnaissance and checking of enemy forces in Espejo village, along with the watching of the two quoted important roads, to report the situation as soon as possible to high officers.

And for some reasons this sniper decided to kill the two militiamen, probably because he got
nervous after having previously watched for a lot of minutes so many movements of Republican
militiamen on the trenches. I do believe that the shots had a psychological fixing role advising
the anarchist forces on the trenches not to advance in the direction of Llano de Banda or towards any of the aforementioned important roads.

It´s very clear that Capa didn´t use any tripod or ruse to make the pictures, something proved by the picture appearing on page seven of regards magazine September 24th 1936 with three militiamen running down the slope and also captured by Capa´s rangefinder Leica.

There were a total of five militiamen running down and not two as believed till now.

THE SMOKE CURTAIN THEORY
Another of the aspects in which I don´t agree at all with Professor José Manuel Susperregui is in his statement made on page 70 of his book Shadows of Photography, where he says: " the identity has only been a deceptive reasoning, a smoke curtain favourable to the interests of Magnum Agency and ICP ".

Sincerely, with all respect, I can´t understand this asseveration made by Professor José Manuel
Susperregui.

Obviously, I don´t think that either Magnum Agency or ICP have tried to implement "a smoke
curtain favourable to their interests" with the topic of the identity of Capa´s Falling Soldier.

My opinion is that there was probably an identification error by Federico Borrell García´s relatives, namely: his widow, his brother Evaristo and his niece Empar Borrell, who assured in 1996 that the man appearing in the Falling Soldier photograph was Federico Borrell García, when Mario Brotons Jordá showed them the famous picture which we know now that was made in Espejo and not in Cerro Muriano.

The ICP and Magnum Agency are legendary institutions which with their wisdoms and errors, like any organization, have given the world and the enthusiasts of top-notch photography many of the most important exhibitions and glorious moments in history, fulfilling a steady strenuous work to preserve the legacy of a high percentage of the best photographers of all time, whose pictures are a trove for the upcoming generations, and it´s widely known that Cornell Capa, the founder of the ICP, greatly renounced to his own career as a photographer to devote himself to the International Center of Photography in New York, created by him in 1974.

On its turn, Magnum Agency, since the most halcyon days of its foundation by Robert Capa, Chim, George Rodger and Henri Cartier-Bresson has had a high percentage of the best photographers in the world, with names like Inge Morath, Paolo Pellegrin, Eve Arnold, Antoine D´Agata, Leonard Freed, Elliot Erwitt, Constantine Manos, Erich Lessing, Rene Burri, Philippe Halsman, Richard Kalvar, Abbas, Werner Bischof, Ian Berry, Micha Bar-Am, Paul Fusco, Herbert List, Eve Arnold, etc.

This doesn´t seem to be the profile of "smoke curtains manufacturers" but of people having a great penchant for really top-notch photography, both making it and preserving it in its top expression, and of course doing their best to earn as much money as possible, as everybody, as well as struggling and putting a lot of werewithal from its funds to bring out extraordinary rediscoveries of long-lost negative archives as the recent Martin Munkacsi´s ones.

And along with Magnum Agency and ICP as institutions (the latter with its Ehrenkranz Director,
the Board of Trustees, the Honorary Trustees, etc), apart from what we could call the high officers, I do want to specially name people like Teresa Engle and Igor Bakht (out of this world printers), Tema Stauffer, Amy Jenkins and Elinor Carucci devoted to the Alkazi Collection Sepia Intimate Line, Anja Hitzenberger, lecturers like Andreas Rentsch, etc.

The ICP develops a praiseworthy activity bringing together people from all over the world to foster photography and the possibilities exploration of the visual images, and its comprehensive range of photographic programs are among the international cream.

After having had the chance of watching live some ICP and Magnum exhibitions (many fewer than I would like), I do think that entrance tickets and price of their catalogue books are cheap, even perhaps very cheap, if we bear in mind what they´re constantly offering worldwide to the treat of high quality photography enthusiasts and professionals alike.

It´s very hard and great wherewithal resources and hundreds of hours are necessary to prepare all the exhibitions, specially the worlwide itinerant ones.

THE MOST DECISIVE ASPECTS REGARDING THE FALLING SOLDIER PICTURE HAVEN´T CHANGED
But coming back to the main topic, the research on the Falling Soldier picture made by Robert
Capa has gone on for many decades and even with this new important discovery, in my viewpoint, things have changed little or nothing regarding the three most important aspects:
a) What the picture conveys and means as a universal icon of war.
b) The real death of the man appearing in it, irrespective of his identity and the location were the
picture was made.
c) The utter authenticity of the photograph. Sincerely, and with all respect towards Professor
Susperregui theory in this regard, I can´t imagine Robert Capa going to war with a tripod, and the picture on middle left of page seven of Regards magazine September 24th 1936 proves that Capa didn´t make any trick preparing a faked death of both the first and second falling soldiers, because there were really five militiamen running down the slope.

The three militiamen on middle left of page seven of Regards magazine September 24th 1936 are treading on a near area to the point where Capa makes the first and second falling soldier photographs ( these two last men of the series, falling very near one each other, but not exactly on the same spot) but clearly different and the inclination of Capa´s Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) on making the picture is different, being the ground approximately half sloping than in the Falling Soldier photograph and the triangular patch of cultivated land clearly visible on the lower right area of the Falling Soldier image is hardly noticeable in this immediately previous picture made by Capa on the same area of the slope.

I do think that simply there wasn´t any tripod. And apart from the evidence of the quoted picture of Regards magazine made just before the Falling Soldier one, it seems clear that the militiamen were overjoyed and running down the slope simulating going against a non existing enemy, until the unexpected first shot (followed by a second one). And Capa was there to take the pictures.
Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza

Back to the Future. Budapest 2009. 96 years after his birth, the memory of the best war photographer of all time is more than alive.



domingo 21 de junio de 2009

ROBERT CAPA IN CERRO MURIANO: THE DAY IN WHICH REALITY SURPASSED IMAGINATION (9th Part):

THIS IS WAR ! Robert Capa at War Exhibition arrives in Barcelona

By José Manuel Serrano Esparza. LHSA


This superb itinerary exhibition, one of the most important in history, began its march in New York and subsequently at the Barbican Gallery of London and at the Centro Internazionale di Fotografia in Milano.

Now, between July 7th and September 24th 2009, the National Museum of Art of Cataluña in
Barcelona will hold this great photographic exhibition THIS IS WAR! Robert Capa at Work,
comprising nearly 300 pictures made by Robert Capa (some of them made in Córdoba province
unknown until very recently, also including eight made by Gerda Taro with her medium format
Rolleiflex) throughout his photographic career.

The exhibition has got three chapters:
1) Robert Capa and the Rise of the Picture Press.
2) The Falling Soldier, 1936.
3) China, 1938.
4) This is War! The End of the Spanish Civil War in Catalonia, 1938-39.
5) D-Day, June 6, 1944.
6) Leipzig, 1945.


Regarding the 45 pages of The Falling Soldier, 1936 Chapter, dealing on the most famous picture ever made by Robert Capa, depicting a Republican militiaman being instantly killed because of a 7 x 57 mm bullet, among the most interesting pictures of it, appearing in the book THIS IS WAR! Robert Capa at Work, we must highlight:

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 816 First image of the first strip of negatives on top right of the page.
Picture made by Robert Capa. Two Republican militiamen simulating opening fire with his 7 x 57 mm Spanish 1893 Mauser.

In this picture, there isn´t any combat against rebel enemy forces.

The Spanish Mauser of the republican militiaman nearest to the camera (wearing a CNT dark cap) is not ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location of the bolt, id est, it is not visible, so the rifle can´t strike any cartridge. This militiaman is pretending to be aiming his gun to open fire, but there isn´t any battle. No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aim his not ready to fire rifle, but to cock again the bolt as soon as possible to load the rifle with a new bullet and them to aim.

Only if the head of the firing pin is visible behind the bolt, a 7 x 57 mm Mauser model 1893 is able to open fire.

The other Republican militiaman in the background (whose head is immediately on the right of
the CNT dark cap of the nearest militiaman) is also simulating to open fire. Though the head of
the firing pin of his Spanish Mauser 1893 caliber 7 x 57 mm is visible outside its resting location,
this militiaman has his face excessively far from his rifle, in a very cumbersome position to be able to aim, because he is more worried about the picture. Probably there isn´t any bullet inside
his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle chamber.

There´s a third militiaman in the background, on top left of the panchromatic nitrate film black
and white negative, but only part of his arms and hands are visible.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of the photograph into anything. The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit and because of the great expectation
raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers -Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an
atractive woman who is with him-, they are making all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground, etc), runnings in different directions, jumpings over trenches, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures.

Capa is there and makes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact just on the right of the one previously quoted, on top right of the page.
There are two Republican militiamen simulating to be observing attacking enemy forces to open fire with their Mausers. The man nearest to Capa´s camera wears a big straw hat with the inscription U.A Asalto, and his Mauser rifle lies loosely on the ground border of the trench, something impossible in a real combat situation in which any soldier grabs firmly his rifle and is in a much more stressful position.

The man in the background, on top left of the contact, is the Falling Soldier, who also simulates
to be observing enemy forces before firing. But he´s excessively raising his Spanish Mauser 1893
Model caliber 7 x 57 mm rifle spotting his location and with his head being dangerously high and
unprotected.

No rebel troops are attacking.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this photograph into anything. The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him - , they are making all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), runnings in different directions, jumpings over trenches, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures.

Capa is there and makes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67 : 35 mm contact number 818 First image of the second strip of negatives in the page.
There are two militiaman. The nearest to the camera, with his visible right sleeve turned up and occupying the vertical right area of the contact, is standing in front of the trench and grabbing with his both hands the tip of the long barrel of his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber vertically leaned on the ground with its butt resting on it.
He´s clearly posing, looking to the right of the frame, trying to appear as good as possible in the
picture Capa is taking him.

The second militiaman appearing behind him on the left, being inside the trench with full uniform and cap, his visible right arm sleeve not turned up and holding vertically his Mauser with both hands and the rifle buttock at the height of his stomach is also posing, doing his best to appear good in the picture and looking not at the camera but at a lateral point, portrait style.

As always, Robert Capa detractors and those doubting about the authenticity of his pictures, will say that Capa was a liar and there isn´t any combat in this picture. This is a non ending story.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into anything. The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an atractive woman who is with him - , from the moment the two photographers approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures.

And of course, Capa was not so idiot to try to convince any future observer into believing that there´s battle in this picture.

Capa simply is there and makes the picture to capture the special atmosphere of those moments
at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 19 Second image of the second strip of negatives in the page.
There are two Republican militiamen. The nearest to the camera (with his both sleeves rolled up and wearing dark Isabelline cap with its tassle) is simulating aiming to open fire with his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model (bent bolt) caliber 7 x 57 mm rifle against enemy forces, but there isn´t any real combat. His Mauser rifle is not ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location, id est, it is not visible, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aiming his not ready to fire gun, but cocking again, as soon as possible, the bolt to load the rifle with a new bullet, and them to aim.

The second militiaman appearing in the background (on far left of the image, with his visible right sleeve turned up) wears a metal helmet. He´s excessively standstill for a real combat situation in which the stress and the fear to be killed would bring about high fidgety. He´s grabbing his Mauser rifle (concealed by the nearest militiaman body, and from which we can only see part of the butt under this second militiaman rolled up sleeve), his head is very high offering an easy target and the cord of his helmet is too perfectly adjusted.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this pictures into anything. The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him-, from the moment the two photographers approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 20 Third image of the second trip of negatives in the page.
There are eight Republican militiamen inside the trench, simulating that they are aiming their Mauser rifles against an attacking enemy.

On top left of the negative, we can see the barrel of a mauser rifle protruding, whose hypothetical
fired bullet trajectory would be towards top right of the negative, advancing in a progressively
ascending path, something completely strange if they would be really firing from an elevated
position trench -as they are- against rebel troops attacking them.

The man whose half of the face we can see on far left of the black and white negative is the Falling Soldier, whose Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber is very excessively raised for a real batlle situation, and evidently, this big hoisting is not because of recoil, because besides, this militiaman pretends to be looking at enemy forces to open fire.

The second militiaman seen is simulating to fire with his Mauser rifle horizontally grabbed slightly upwards, so it will be lethal up to around 2,000 meters and will be able to reach perhaps four km, but the trajectory of the bullet will be some meters above the hypothetical rebel soldiers attacking them from bottom to top.

The same applies to the next militiaman, from whom we only hint his dark cap and his Mauser rifle overlapped by the gun of the second soldier from left (whose dark cap is utterly visible).

A bit on the right, we can see the Mauser rifle of another militiaman aiming upwards; the immediately on the right Mauser rifle grabbed by another militiaman is the only one aiming downward; the next Mauser rifle -always towards the right of the frame- ( from which we can only see the forward part of the barrel paying a lot of attention is aiming slightly upwards, and the last Mauser (faintly discernable in the farthest background on the right) is being grabbed almost horizontally by another militiaman we can´t see.

This picture is taken by Robert Capa from a very near spot to the one from which he makes the
famous picture in which there are 11 militiamen (ten of them raising their Mauser rifles) and one
loyalist officer with his cap (behind the fourth militiaman from left) standing on the trench. The same four big wood poles (three of them together) are visible in the background, along with what is possibly a dark colour tent also appearing in the quoted picture (page 61 of the book).

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Pág 67: 35 mm contact number 830 Fourth image of the second trip of negatives in the page.
Vertical picture. We see the same Republican militiaman with big straw hat appearing in the top right 35 mm contact of the page with the Falling Soldier by him.

Now, Capa photographs him from behind, being on his right. The militiaman has its Mosquetón
Mauser 1916 model rifle leaned on one ground border of the trench, pretending to be cocking the bolt again, holding the rifle with his left hand ( two fingers are visible just on the right of his
sleeve, while his right hand simulates to be reloading the gun.

Bearing in mind the stress brought about by any combat against Tabor of Regulares Moroccan or legionnaries (the best infantry in the world in 1936) it would be very difficult even for an experienced Gurkha to be able to reload a Mauser with such big tranquillity in the middle of a real battle.

So, there isn´t real combat in this picture. Another clear evidence is that under a high stress real combat context, it would be in my opinion almost impossible to attain such a sharp picture ( in this same photograph appearing in the page 76 of the book, you can even realize great level of detail in the texture of the fabric of the right not rolled up sleeve and above all on his right hand thick veins and tendons.

Bearing in mind that Capa was using black and white Kodak Panchromatic Nitrate Film equivalent to approximately ISO 40 and that all these pictures of the Falling Soldier series were taken by Robert Capa between 9:30 and 10:30 h in the morning, if this militiaman wearing big straw hat would have been really ctryng to reload his Mauser rifle as soon as possible in the middle of a battle with enemy soldiers attacking, his right arm and hand would have been rendered at least a bit blurred or more probably rather blurred, because of the quick movement.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into anything. The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him -, from the moment the two photographers approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures.

Capa is there and takes the picture, to capture the special atmosphere lived by the militiamen, many of them the famous Alcoyanos, who know that they will have to fight against Francoist troops and simulate combat in different ways, both inside and outside the trenches, because the presence of Capa and Gerda Taro has raised in them a great expectation and high desire to be photographed.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Página 67: 35 mm contact number 31 First image of the third strip of negatives of the page.
We can see five Republican militiamen inside the trench: the first one wears a dark cap with the CNT letters embroidered on it. He simulates to be aiming his Spanish Mauser 1893 Model caliber 7 x 57 mm rifle against a non existente attacking enemy. This is the same man who appears in the contact number 816 photograph.

There isn´t any battle in this picture. His Mauser rifle is not ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location, id es, it is not visible, so it can strike any cartridge.

No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the
reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aiming his not ready to fire gun, but
to try to cock again the bolt as soon as possible in order to load the rifle with a new bullet, and
then to aim.

And besides, evidently, his face and eyes are too far from his gun to be able to aim properly.
He´s clearly trying to appear in the picture as good as possible.

On the other hand, we can see some wheat on his right.

The man appearing just behind him (we can only see his head clad with Isabelline cap bearing the embroidered CNT letters and the tassel, part of his shoulders revaling his white colour shirt and simulating to observe enemy troops before opening fire) is the Falling Soldier, who, in the same way as in the 35 mm contact number 20, appears holding his Mauser rifle excessively high and pinpointing his position to a hypothetical enemy, apart from having his head too high, with the risks it implies.

The third militiaman appearing in the picture (the one being immediately behind the Falling Soldier), of whom we can only see his right shoulder, approximately 90% of his right side of the face, most of his dark cap and the tip of his Mauser rifle barrel is even in a much more elevated position of thorax and head than the Falling Soldier, so he is offering a very easy target.

He´s likewise simulating to be firing his Mauser rifle against enemy soldiers. And the barrel of his Mauser is in a very horizontal position, so if he was really opening fire, the 7 x 57 mm bullet would describe a path some meters over the hypothetical enemy soldiers attacking, really non existing at this moment.

Regarding the last two men appearing in the far background behind the already quoted third
militiaman depicted in this picture, they´re also pretending to be shooting their guns.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into anything. The Republican militiamen, many of them anarchists from Alcoi, are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him- from the moment the two photographers approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Pág 67: 35 mm contact number 843 Second image of the third strip of negatives of the page.
Vertical picture. There are three militiamen (one of them outside the frame, of whom we can only observe a little area of his Mauser rifle forward area.

The nearest militiaman to the camera (probably using a cap with the colours of the CNT), with
his sleeves rolled up, is inside the trench, holding his Spanish Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm
caliber with his left hand leaned on the ground of the front border of the trench, while his right
hand grabs the rifle on the buttock front, simulating aiming to open fire against enemy forces
attacking them from bottom to top, with his finger on the trigger.

There isn´t any real combat in this picture. The 7 x 57 mm caliber Mauser rifle of this militiaman is not ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location, id est, it is not visible, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

Only if the head of the firing pin is visible, a 7 x 57 mm Mauser Model 1893 is able to open fire.
No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aiming his not ready to fire gun, but to cock again the bolt to load the rifle with a new bullet, and then to aim.

Besides, his gun is aiming slightly upwards, so if he was actually opening fire, the bullet would describe a path some meters over the hypothetrical enemy soldiers attacking them from bottom to top.

The other militiaman in the background is also simulating to shoot, though the head of the firing
pin of his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber is visible. We can realize that he is with his knees leaned on top of the border of the trench offering an easy target from his abdominal area
to the head. This is impossible in a real combat situation where any soldier tries to survive, even
more against Tabor of Regulares or legionnaires men, excelling in accuracy with medium and long distance shots even in the middle of real battle.

This second militiaman has occupied this so excessively elevated position because he doesn´t want to be concealed by the body of the nearest man to the camera. He wants to appear in the
picture at any cost. And once more, everything is fairly sharp for a real battle context. Even the
would veins of the Mauser rifles (specially in the nearest militiaman to the camera) have been
rendered with high detail by the Leitz lens.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into anything. The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an atractive woman who is with him- from the moment the two photographers approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we´ll see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 836 Third picture of the third strip of negatives of the page.
We see a militiaman clad in white colour garment and wearing a cap different from the ones used by the rest of militiamen.

He is simulating to open fire against a really non existing enemy.

His Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 97 mm caliber rifle is not ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location, id est, it is not visible, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

Only if the head of the firing pin is visible, a 7 x 57 mm Mauser model 1893 is able to open fire.

No Francoist troops are attacking, because on experiencing the affect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aiming his not ready to fire gun, but to cock the bolt again as soon as possible to load the rifle with a new bullet and then to aim.

This way, there isn´t any real combat in this picture.

This militiaman also appears in the 35 mm contact number 868 and in one of the medium format pictures made by Gerda Taro in which there are six Republican militiamen running upwards the slope of the hill and simulating to attack an enemy position on top of it. He´s the man most on the right, stretching his left hand pretending to be encouraging his comrades.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

Pág 67: 35 mm contact number 57 Fourth Picture of the third strip of negatives of the page.
This picture is very similar to the 35 mm vertical contact number 843, and the two nearest men
to the camera appear in both photographs in very similar position, so the commentaries on them on analysing the contact number 843 are also valid for this contact number 57 horizontal image, the most importance difference being now the presence of a third militiaman in the background on top left of the frame. He is with one knee on the ground, also simulating to open fire against a really non existing enemy, highly unprotected and offering a big surface of target for hypothetical enemy forces attacking them. It seems clear that he also yearns after appearing in the picture as good as possible.

There isn´t any combat in this picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 860 First Picture of the fourth strip of negatives.
There are two militiamen and a third one of whom we only see a little area of his body covered by dark clothes (this almost out of image man is the same militiamen appearing on the right of the picture in page 82 of the book, in which we can also see the Falling Soldier in the background, clad in white garment with his cap bearing the CNT letters embroidered, and another militiaman on middle left of the photograph, between the Falling Soldier and the militiaman most on the right.

In this number 860 contact, Capa is located on a very near point to the spot from which he makes the page 82 picture, behind the three militiamen, but more on the left.

Though the head of the firing pin of his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle is visible,
the nearest militiaman to the camera is simulating to aim at really non existent enemy soldiers
attacking them from bottom to top. The logical thing under a real battle context would be to
crouch and hide the head and body as much as possible and lean the rifle on the ground border
of the trench, but top priority for this militiaman is to appear as good as possible in the picture,
trying to make things as much realistic as possible but at the same time and above all, with his
face being recognizable in the photograph.

This militiaman is not leaning his rifle on the trench ground, but holding it in the air with both
hands, with perhaps only his left elbow slightly leaned on the ground, and he would be highly
risking his life in actual combat, because he´s offering too much target with his uncovered head.

In the background, we can see the Falling Soldier once more, simulating to be opening fire with his Spanish Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle, which is not ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location, id est, it is not visible, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

Only if the head of the firing pin is visible, a 7 x 57 mm bullet is able to open fire.

He´s excessively on top of the ground border of the trench for a real combat situation, greatly jeopardizing his life, because he´s offering a very big target to hypothetical fascist forces going up attacking them.

There isn´t any real battle or combat in this picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 61 Second picture of the fourth strip of negatives.
We can see two Republican militiamen: the nearest to the camera is simulating to be cocking the bolt of his Mauser 1893 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle before shooting against really non existing rebel soldiers going up and attacking them. It´s impossible this context in a real combat situation: the man is highly quiet and his hand perfectly in focus, the whole rifle has been rendered with detail on all of his surface and the same applies to the head.

In a real battle context, the anxiety and fidgety are high. There should be some shaking, at least a bit of blur of out of focus areas in hands, head and rifle, but everything is sharp, an odd thing, because though the day was sunny, Capa used 35 mm Kodak panchromatic nitrate black and white film equivalent to around iso 40 (the same that he used already in his report on Leon Trotsky in Copenhague during a meeting in 1932)

Under enemy soldiers attack, specially if they´re Tabor or Regulares or legionnaires men, the best infantry in the world in 1936, the survival of any defender could greatly depend on the quickness with which he was able to reload his rifle, so it´s virtually impossible such a quiet and slow operation of cocking the bolt with enemy soldiers firing against the trench defenders.

But there´s a further key element: any soldier defending a trench and under enemy fire, does his best to offer the enemy the least feasible target, mainly to avoid to be shot on head, neck or thorax area, something very different to the confidence with which this militiaman is making things with a good percentage of his body (high area of the chest, neck and head sticking out over the trench with the risk it means for his life. And besides, its rifle fairly pointing upwards and protruding over the trench also makes his position even easier to spot for any attacking rebel forces.

The logical thing would be to be as much crouched as possible, and trying to do the bolt cocking operation very swiftly to be able to shoot again as fast as possible.

There isn´t any real combat or battle in this picture.

On the other hand, we can see a second militiaman in the background, on middle left area of the frame (we can only glimpse his clear colour trousers, white slippers and his rifle), also simulating to aim or open fire against non existent enemy forces.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

Photo: José Manuel Serrano Esparza. 16 de Junio de 2009

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 868 Third picture of the fourth strip of negatives.
There are five Republican militiamen with one knee on the ground and simulating to aim their Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifles at a non existing enemy to open fire.

All of them make up a diagonal from left to right, in which the sizes of the militiamen bodies progressively increase depending on how near they are from the right border of the negative.

The militiamen are very close one another, offering a very easy target to the non existing enemy soldiers. They´re in the open air with one knee leaned on the slope covered with wheat.

This would be practically suicidal against Tabor of Regulares or legionnaries elite snipers up to a distance of around 800 meters.

There isn´t any real combat in this picture.

On the other hand, the first man on the right (also appearing in the 35 mm contact number 836) wearing clear colour clothes and a different cap from the rest of militiamen, hasn´t his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle ready to shoot, because the head of the firing pin is hidden inside its resting location, id est, it is not visible, so it can´t strike any cartridge. Only if the head of the firing pin is visible, a 7 x 57 mm Mauser Model 1893 is able to open fire.

No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aim his not ready to shoot gun, but cocking again the bolt as soon as possible to load the rifle with a new bullet, and then to aim.

The same applies to the Mosquetón Mauser 7 x 57 mm Model 1916 used by the second militiaman from the left, whose head of the firing pin is not visible, and to the first militiaman from the left, whose Spanish Mauser 1893 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle head of the firing pin is also hidden.

The heads of the firing pins of the Mausers 1893 Model grabbed by the third and fourth militiamen from the left are visible, though there´s a high probability that there isn´t any bullet inside their chambers.

This picture has got great depth of field from the nearest wheat ears to the mountains in the distance, and there isn´t even a trace of blur of movement in hands, arms, heads, necks or heads of any of the militiamen, a coincidence virtually impossible in five soldiers risking their lives, who should be highly anxous, fidgety and nervous, being attacked by enemy forces and compelled to shoot and reload their guns as soon as possible.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of the picture into believing that there is real combat, because it is very evident that these five soldiers are very unprotected, outside the trench, in a lower area of the slope with wheat.

The Republican militiamen are infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by two foreign photographers -Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him- , from the moment the two photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 869 Fourth Picture of the fourth strip of negatives.
There are five militiamen in the trench: the first one has got the sleeves of his fatigue clothes turned up, and he seems to be speaking, explaining something or even giving some kind of harangue, doing gestures with his free hands.

This is impossible in a real combat situation, because at the same time, this man (who is the seventh militiaman from the left appearing in the picture of page 61, including the loyalist officer), has got his head fairly unprotected, protruding over the trench and offering an easy target for enemy bullets.

On the other hand, his Mauser 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle is by itself, leaned on the ground of the trench border, immediately on the right of this militiaman, and evidently put in a somewhat unsteady equilibrium for the picture.

There isn´t any real combat in this photograph.

The second militiaman is wearing a metal helmet on his head and simulates to be shooting with his Mauser 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle against rebel attacking forces. He is leaned on the ground border of the trench, but excessively high over it, with his face utterly unprotected and offering an easy target.

Just behind this second militiaman, there´s a third one (of whom we only see his Mauser rifle). He is also pretending to be opening fire against Francoist soldiers attacking them from bottom to top.

And in the background of the image, on middle left area of the negative, we can see two further
Republican militiamen also simulating to be opening fire against fascist troops.

As happens with a very high percentage of both the already known and the many not known till now existing 35 mm negatives from the Falling Soldier series, the depth of field of the image is great, with sharpness and detail from the lowest area of the image to the fathest background.

As already mentioned, this absolute absence of blur common in all the pictures is virtually impossible for a real combat context with militiamen in their trenches really firing against enemy troops attacking them with the intention of killing them.

In such a context, the stress, fidgets and fear to be killed are maximum and the soldiers are crouched to the utmost, trying to conceal their heads as much as they can while they´re shooting, and also doing their best to fire and cocking the bolts of their Mauser rifles as soon as possible to reload their guns and introducing a new bullet.

So, no rebel troops are attacking.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of the picture into believing that there is real
combat. The Republican militiamen are highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him- , from the moment the two photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the picture.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact Number 872 First Picture of the fifth strip of negatives.

There are three militiamen with one knee on the ground of the covered with wheat slope, while they´re photographed by Capa diagonally from behind.

The first militiaman is wearing a metal helmet (this is the same militiaman appearing using a
helmet in the 35 mm contacts numbers 19, 869, 875 and 879), his right knee is on the ground, and he´s simulating to be firing against really non existent enemy forces being upwards.

This picture clearly indicates that the militiamen are overjoyed, very confident and with very high morale. Many of them are the famous Alcoyanos, who were able to capture some military headquarters in August in Alcoy and other areas, having captured a lot of guns, above all the coveted Spanish Mausers 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber bolt rifles and Mosquetóns Mausers 7 x 57 mm caliber rifles (the best in the world in 1936, specially the 1893 long barrel model).

It´s impossible that Capa tries to deceive future observers into believing that there is real battle and that the Republican militiamen in the trench open fire against rebel forces attacking them from bottom to top, and in the same real battle, suddenly three of those militiamen fire upwards against against enemy troops which should be on the foot of the slope trying to ascend to kill them.

There isn´t any real battle in this picture.

Robert Capa and Gerda Taro don´t want to cheat anybody into believing that there´s a real battle. They simply take advantage of the huge expectation they raise among the militiamen, all of them without exception yearn very much to be photograph and behave and make all kind of movements, leaps, runnings, simulating of firings, etc.

Even, there´s one very good medium format 6 x 6 picture made by Gerda Taro (page 79) on this same covered with wheat slope confirming this, in which there are six militiamen running upwards with their Mauser rifles, simulating that they´re attacking a Francoist trench on top of the hill, when in many of the pictures made by Capa it´s very evident that the trench on top is a Republican one full of militiamen.

Both Capa and Taro are here and make the pictures with the intention not to deceive any future observer of the photographs into believing that there´s real battle, but to capture the very special atmosphere presiding the behaviour of the militiamen, many of them anarchists from Alcoi, that know that in a matter of hours or days, will have to fight agaisnt Francoist troops, so they express their common euphoria in this way.

They´re literally crazy for being photographed, and do what they can imagine to attain it.

The second militiaman appearing in this picture (middle left area of the contact), wearing dark fatigue clothes and cap, is simulating to cock the bolt of his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle to reload the gun and introducing a new bullet.

Once more, it is very odd the total lack of blur in the hands of a militiaman cocking the bolt of his Mauser rifle, because in the maelstrom of an actual battle, this operation must be made at full speed, to reload the gun as soon as possible, because the life of the soldier can depend on it. However, this militiaman seems to be doing it very quietly, taking his time, and there isn´t any blur in his hands, rifle, arm, neck or head, something odd for a picture taken with b & w film of around iso 40 (though in this time the reference for sensitivity was Weston Scale and not din, iso or asa).

The third militiaman, appearing in the background, is with his right knee on the ground and
simulating to open fire with his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle aiming at non existing Francoist troops on top of the covered by wheat hill.

He wears a straw big hat with the inscriptions "U.A" and "Unidad de Asalto", and is the same man appearing in the 35 mm contacts numbers 830, 875 and the one being on top right of page 67 of the book, along with the picture of middle left page 78.

The three militiamen are utterly unprotected, in the middle of a slope, hypothetically firing against rebel forces on top of the hill. In a real battle situation, the three men would be easily and very quickly annihilated from an elevated point, aither by means of rifle volleys or machine gun bursts.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 874 Second Picture of the fifth strip of negatives.
Underexposed picture, made by Robert Capa diagonally from behind. We can see four militiamen with one knee on the ground of the covered with wheat slope and simulating to be aiming with their Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifles to open fire against non existing attacking forces.

The Mauser rifle of the nearest militiaman to the camera is pointing towards the left of the negative, while he is looking at the right.

And the fourth militiaman in the background is holding his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle raising it excessively for a real battle situation.

They all are very near one another, utterly unprotected outside the trench, each one offering a big target to the enemy, and would be easily wiped out by hypothetical rebel forces firing against them from below.

There isn´t any real combat in this picture.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him - , from the moment the two photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the picture.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 875 Third Picture of the fifth strip of negatives.
There are five Republican militiamen simulating to be aiming with their Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifles at enemey forces attacking them from bottom to top.

The first militiaman appears wearing a metal helmet, his sleeves are turned up, and he is grabbing his rifle with both hands, his left elbow being leaned on the ground border of the trench, and though the head of the firing pin of his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle is visible, probably there isn´t any bullet inside the chamber. He´s simulating aiming to open fire.

The second militiaman (the one with the large straw hat, also appearing in other pictures) is also pretending to be aiming just before shooting against non existing enemy troops trying to go up to kill the Republican militiamen defending the trench.

There´s a third militiaman, of whom we only glimpse the dark cap.

The fourth and fifth militiamen appearing in the background and barely visible (we can only see their caps and rifles paying top attention) are important to prove that there isn´t any real combat in this picture because the rifle of the fourth isn´t leaned on the ground of the border of the trench, but held in the air, and too horizontal on the trench border, in such a way that any bullet shot by it would describe a trajectory some meters over the hypothetical Francoist troops attacking from bottom to top.

On its turn, the rifle of the fifth militiaman in the farthest bakground protrudes very excessively over the ground of the border of the trench (instead of being leaned on it to open fire against enemy soldiers), and this is not because of any recoil (the Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm is famous among other things for its scarce recoil), apart from being dangerous, because it detects his position to the enemy.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him-, from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the pictures.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 876 Fourth Picture of the fifth strip of negatives.
It´s very similar to the 35 mm contact number 868 already commented, but instead of five militiamen, we´ve got only the second, third and fourth men from the left on that 868 contact.

Compared to the 868 contact, around a 9% more of landscape is included on the right of the negative in this 876 contact, along with approximately half of the wheat covered ground and a 300% more of sky.

The three make up a diagonal from left to right, in which the sizes of the militiamen bodies progressively increase depending on how near they are from the right border of the negative.


The militiamen are very close one another, offering each one a very big and easy target to the non existing enemy soldiers. They´re in the open air with one knee leaned on the slope covered with wheat.

This would be practically suicidal against Tabor of Regulares or legionnaries snipers of the rebel army, very highly disciplined and experience troops, up to a distance of approximately 800 m.

There isn´t any real combat in this picture.

The Mosquetón Mauser 1916 caliber 7 x 57 mm held by the first militiaman from the left (dark clothes and cap), has the head of its firing pin hidden, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

In this 35 mm contact 876, the heads of the firing pins of the Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifles of both the second militiaman from left (clearer clothes and cap) and the third one from the left (dark clothes and cap) are visible, but there´s a high probability that their rifle chambers haven´t got any bullet inside. In the same way as the militiaman most on the left, they´re also simulating to shoot against Francoist soldiers.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers -Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him, from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the pictures.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 878 First Picture of the sixth strip of negatives.
There´s a Republican militiaman with dark cap inside the trench, occupying the left half of the black and white negative.

He´s simulating to be shooting against enemy forces.

The head of the firing pin of his Mauser 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle is hidden, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

He is leaning his rifle on the ground border of the trench, holding it with both hands, which are excessively close one each other for a correct grabbing of the gun.

We can also see his rolled up sleeve.

There isn´t any real combat.

No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aim his not ready to fire gun, but cocking again the bolt as soon as possible to load the rifle with a new bullet and then to aim.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to cheat future observers of this picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him-, from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 879 Second Picture of the sixth strip of negatives.
Underexposed picture. There are four militiamen running down the wheat covered slope, grabbing their rifles and simulating to attack enemy forces.

The nearest man to the camera is the one wearing a metal helmet and also appearing in other negatives from the Falling Soldier series already quoted. He is jumping, to add impact to the action and appear more spectacular in the photograph.

The second militiaman by him wears a dark cap and clothes fatigue.

The third man, faintly discernible in the far background, is the militiaman wearing the big straw hat also appearing in other aforementioned pictures of the Falling Soldier series.

And there´s a fourth Republican militiaman that we can barely glimpse in the distance, on the left of the three militiamen running down.

There isn´t any real combat against Francoist troops in this photograph.

Specially if we pay attention to the nearest militiaman to the camera, we realize that it is impossible that a man running down holding his rifle to attack enemy soldiers is too vertical and jumping, knowing that he can be shot by a rebel bullet at any moment.

In this kind of context, if the action would have been real, the men strive after running down as crouched as possible to offer less target to the enemy.

All the militiamen appearing in this picture, specially the three nearest the camera, are very unprotected, in the open air and the body of each one is a very big target for enemy bullets.

And besides, these three militiamen are very close one another, so the risk of death for them in a real combat situation running down against enemy soldiers would be even higher.

They all would be easily and very quickly annihilated either by accurate Mauser 7 x 57 mm from Tabor of Regulares or legionnaries professional soldiers or by machine gun bursts.

Once more, it´s evident that Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him-, from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact number 881 Third Picture of the sixth strip of negatives.
This is perhaps the most important picture of the great photographic exhibition This is War! Robert Capa at War, unknown till now for the public in the same way as the page 67 35 mm twenty-one b & w contacts of the Falling Soldier series previously analyzed, and the eight pictures made by Gerda Taro (four of them included in the book) on the same slope of the Falling Soldier rest of images taken by Capa that morning of September 1936 between 9:30 and 10:30 (Gerda Taro was with Robert Capa at every moment).

This vertical picture is the last photograph of the Falling Soldier series. We see the second Republican militiaman -shot immediately after the most famous Falling Soldier - impacted by 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullet and already lying dead on the ground (this is undoubtedly the same man as the one not instantly killed captured by Capa being already on the ground and very seriously wounded in highly agonic position).

Now we know that this man died soon, probably within few minutes, because of his 7 x 57 mm bullet wound, as indicated by his dead body on the ground.

But it isn´t less certain that maybe with propagandist aims, the body of this second militiaman has evidently been moved from the real spot where he is shot (on a point very near where the first and most famous militiaman falls backwards instantly killed because of a 7 x 57 mm piercing his heart) and transported to a lower spot of the slope along with his Mosquetón Mauser rifle which somebody - perhaps a political comissar or high officer- has evidently put on his belly with the butt of the gun resting on the ground and the middle area of the Mosquetón Mauser barrel made to be grasped by the fingers of the utterly dead second Republican militiaman (it is virtually impossible to accurately ascertain how long he took to die, but bearing in mind the eerie immediately previous picture in which this same Republican militiaman appears on the ground still alive and being in agony just after being impacted by a second high velocity 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullet, I´m convinced that few minutes indeed, and probably, the Tabor of Regulares snipers allowed them to collect the bodies or perhaps a white flag was previously shown in order to get it, and Capa made this last picture of the Falling Soldier series also with propagandist aims, something very common in both sides during the Spanish Civil War.

Gerda Taro. © ICP New York

- Page 74: 2 1/4 inches (6 x 6 cm) medium format Rolleiflex negative made by Gerda Taro. It´s the picture on the left, having a size of 7.2 x 7.2 cm in the book.
This is an until recently not known photograph.There are three militiamen: The nearest to the camera, vertically filling the right farthest area of the 6 x 6 cm negative, and showing a militiaman simulating aiming to shoot ( though we can only see his whole head, dark cap and approximately half of the rest of his body, including a leather ammunition poach on his right side, apart from being pointing to the sky with his Mauser rifle held with both hands - on the right of the negative, out of image-).

In the background, perfectly focused and some meters behind the quoted militiaman occupying the full vertical extension of the medium format negative in his farthest right area, we can see two more Republican militiamen in much smaller size: the Falling Soldier -on the left, with his right knee on the ground, his sleeves rolled up, his Isabelline cap with tassel vertically crossing his forehead and simulating to be aiming with his 1893 Model Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle just before opening fire. His gun is also pointing to the sky.

The other militiaman in the background, being beside The Falling Soldier, has got his left knee a bit bent, his sleeves are turned up, grabs his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle with both hands in almost 100% vertical position and is looking towards the lower left angle of the negative, very quiet and his top priority is to appear as good as possible in the photograph. This man is the same who is immediately on the right of the Falling Soldier in the picture of page 61 showing eleven Republican militiamen standing on the trench and a Republican officer behind the fourth militiaman from the left.

It´s very obvious that there isn´t any real battle in this picture and no soldiers on earth would behave this way while being attacked by a real enemy.

Gerda Taro is not idiot. It´s obvious that she doesn´t try to deceive any future observers of this picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him-, from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Gerda Taro is there and takes the picture.

Gerda Taro. © ICP New York

- Page 74: 2 1/4 inches (6 x 6 cm) medium format Rolleiflex negative made by Gerda Taro. It´s the picture on the right, having a size of 7.2 x 7.2 cm in the book.
This is an until recently not known photograph. We can see four republican militiamen on the trench.

The first one, on the right of the frame, is grabbing the butt of his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model caliber 7 x 57 mm, wears dark fatigues clothes and a dark cap with the colours black and red of the CNT. His sleeves are rolled up and one of his leather ammunition poaches is visible just behind the butt of his gun.

He is simulating to be looking at enemy attacking forces, but there aren´t any Francoist forces going up to kill them from bottom to top.

The head of the firing pin of his Mosquetón Mauser is hidden in its resting place, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

The second militiaman on the left of the frame, also wearing dark fatigue clothes and cap of the CNT and with his sleeves turned up, is likewise simulating to aim at enemy Francoist forces attacking them from bottom to top, and though the head of the firing pin of his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifle is visible, there´s a high probability that the chamber of the gun doesn´t contain any bullet at this moment. And besides, he has got his left leg bent and leaned on the inner ground border of the trench in a rather cumbersome and above all risky position for his life, leaving his neck and head unprotected. In a real context battle, soldiers inside trenches being under enemy attack, do their best to crouch to the maximum and strive after offering the least possible target to enemy bullets. But if he lies and leans on the border of the trench with his elbows on the ground, he could be partially concealed by his nearest to the camera comrade, something that he wants to avoid at any cost, because it´s very important for him to be recognizable in the photograph.

The third and last militiaman in the background is highly motivated, raising his left arm with his fist closed, with both knees leaned on top of the ground border of the trench and grabs his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber resting vertically on the ground.

He is offering almost 100% of his body as target to hypothetical enemy forces attacking them from bottom to top.

This doesn´t seem to be the best way to face the Tabor of Regulares Moroccan soldiers or the legionnaries, in 1936 from a military viewpoint, the best infantry in the world.

So, there isn´t any real combat in this picture.

Gerda Taro doesn´t try to deceive any future observers of the picture into believing that there is real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him-, from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Gerda Taro is there and takes the picture.

Gerda Taro. © ICP New York

- Page 75: 2 1/4 inches (6 x 6 cm) medium format Rolleiflex negative made by Gerda Taro. It´s the picture on the left, having a size of 7.2 x 7.2 cm in the book.
We heve got here the same three miltiamen than in the previous picture. Now, the nearest militiaman to the camera is leaned on the ground border of the trench, simulating to be aiming his Mauser rifle at Francoist troops attacking from bottom to top to capture the trench. But the head of the firing pin of his gun is not visible, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

The second militiaman (unlike the previous image now slightly out of focus) is a bit more backwards than before, we can only see half of his body, goes on with his left leg bent and leaned on the inner ground of the trench border and is likewise pretending to be aiming at enemy forces before shooting.

The third man, though greatly exposing his body as a target for enemy bullets almost in the same way as in the previous picture, now holds his Mauser rifle horizontally, though it´s almost impossible to discern any more aspects, because it is highly out of focus and lacking sharpness and detail.

There isn´t any real battle in this photograph.

Gerda Taro. © ICP New York

- Page 79: 2 1/4 inches (6 x 6 cm) medium format Rolleiflex negative made by Gerda Taro. It has a size of 13.65 x 13.65 cm in the book.
Gerda taro makes this picture on the slope only a few minutes before the photograph made by Robert Capa appearing on left middle area of page 7 of Regards magazine September 24th 1936.

We can see six Republican militiamen running upwards the slope towards its summit,
simulating to attack Francoist troops defending the peak of the hill.

There isn´t any real combat in this picture.

In this spectacular photograph, taken from a very low position and highly probably with this brave woman crouched and having a knee on the ground to get as much impact as possible from bottom to top), the siz quoted militiamen appear running upwards on the lower part of the 2 1/4 inches square negative: two of them (the nearest to Gerda Taro´s Rolleiflex camera) are wearing dark clothes, the militiaman on the lower right area of the frame and simulating encouraging his comrades with his left arm raised to attack a really non existent enemy position on top of the slope is clad with white garment, the two militiamen in the middle are wearing clear garments (probably in light brown colours) and the militiaman wearing white clothes second from left is the Falling Soldier, some minutes before being instantly killed with his heart pierced by a high velocity 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullet shot by a Tabor of Regulares sniper.

This image clearly reveals that Gerda Taro feels already a high passion for photography, steadfastly making efforts to obtain the best possible pictures, as clearly proved in this photograph, where she manages to get a pronounced bottom to top taking angle going even beyond the one attained by Leonard Freed in his picture made in a Wall Street Tube Station Entrance in 1955, whose photographing angle antithesis would be Death from Overdose in Harlem New York City 1972.

It´s very interesting to realize that the second man from the left, wearing white colour fatigue clothes, is the Falling Soldier.

Gerda Taro doesn´t try to deceive any future observers of this picture into believing that there´s real combat. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him - , from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simultaing of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Gerda Taro is there and takes the picture.

Gerda Taro. © ICP New York

- Page 78: The one in the middle of the three pictures on the left Photograph made by Robert Capa.
There are six Republican militiamen simulating to be firing. There are four men "shooting", aiming at the right of the frame (the one most on the left and the three on the right half of the negative), another one (the militiaman just behind the man wearing a straw hat) aiming a bit upwards slightly towards the left of the picture, and a last one (second from left and perhaps the Falling Soldier some minutes before being really killed) aiming his Mauser rifle upwards and towards top central area of the frame.

It´s absolutely evident that these soldiers are not really firing and there isn´t any combat against rebel forces.

The militiamen are very near one another and offering an easy target for any hypothetical Francoist soldiers, and at the same time, three of the militiamen (the one most on the left - with his Mauser more raised upwards than the three comrades on the right of the image and whose hypothetical bullet trajectory would go on progressively towards the sky - and above all the two ones behind the man wearing straw hat) are simulating to open fire aiming at very different points.

Even, the second militiaman from left, infused with overexcitement, confidence and revolutionary joy, is ostensibly aiming his Mauser rifle at the sky.

It´s very clear that there isn´t any combat against rebel forces.

There are some people saying that " in the same way as with the Falling Soldier, Robert Capa was a liar, because these Republican militiamen are not really firing and Capa was not going to risk his own life with his camera in front of these unexperienced militiamen armed with rifles ".

And they say this to accuse Capa of trying to deceive future observers of the picture into believing that these militiamen are shooting against enemy forces.

Please!

Robert Capa was not idiot. There isn´t any kind of trick, fake or stage implemented here by Capa. At every moment and in the vast majority of pictures made by Capa and Taro that September morning of 1936, the republican militiamen eagerly yearned to be photographed by two foreign journalists, something which raised in them high doses of expectation from the first moments. And it´s known the great ability featured by Capa and Taro to create empathy with a wide range of people.

Robert Capa simply takes this picture with the militiamen acting at will and performing ecelctic poses while they´re simulating to shoot with the intention of appearing as good as possible in the picture.

It´s very important to bear in mind that we´re at the beginning of September 1936, when Franco´s coup d´etat has been quelled in the biggest capitals (Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia amongst them) of Spain for one month and a half, mainly because of the CNT and FAI anarchist militiamen fighting in the streets, factories, official and communication centers, etc, as well as attacking the army barracks, getting a lot of guns, specially the coveted long barrel Spanishs Mausers 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm (the most accurate in the world then, speacially at medium and long distances) and the Mosquetón Mausers Model 1916, having greatly seized the power in the streets, so they´re highly euphoric and buzzed with enthusiasm.

Capa doesn´t need to place these soldiers to make the picture, and it is evident that he hasn´t put them in the rather chaotic way they appear with their rifles in the picture. He simply lets the militiamen simulate battle at free will and takes the picture, both in this case and many others, in different areas of the wheat covered slope.

Therefore, on making this picture, Robert Capa doesn´t try to cheat anybody into believing that there´s a real battle and the militiamen are opening fire, because during those moments, he´s perfectly aware that some of them are aiming at different directions - even one of them pointing his gun against the sky- .

Capa simply takes the picture to capture the very special atmosphere of the moment brought about by the overjoyed militiamen themselves.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 61: Picture made by Robert Capa of 11 militiamen and a loyalist officer standing on the trench.
Three of them brandish their rifles grabbing them with left hand (the first, second and third from left), while seven of them (the fourth, fifth, sixth, eighth, ninth, tenth and eleventh) are holding their guns with right hand.

All the militiamen are brandishing Mausers 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm caliber rifles, with the excepction of the third man from left, who is holding a Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model caliber 7 x 57 mm.

Five of them are also raising their closed fists (first, third, fourth, ninth and tenth). These militiamen (many of them anarchists belonging to the CNT) are overjoyed, infused with revolutionary spirit, highly euphoric, and yearning for being photographed by Capa. There´s a great expectation in them.

This is an important picture -appearing in the book in size 21.3 x 15.9 cm- , because the man on the far left is the Falling Soldier, and the third man from left is the second falling soldier who is shot immediately after the death of the most famous Republican militiaman (the picture of this second falling soldier, not instantly killed by a 7 x 57 mm bullet as the first and most famous Falling Soldier, but very seriously injured by a second 7 x 57 mm bullet fired by the same sniper, is in the page 84 of this ICP / STEIDL extraordinary book, in size 21 x 15.9 cm).

Behind the fourth CNT militiaman from the left (raising his left closed fist), we can see what seems to be a loyalist officer, and on the right of the picture we can also observe three big vertical wooden poles and perhaps a tent behind them. And we see another vertical wooden pole in the farthest background behind the tent.

Obvious saying that there isn´t any real combat against rebel forces in this picture.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 80: Picture made by Robert Capa. There are six Republican militiamen with their rifles jumping over the trench.
They are simulating to be about to run down the slope towards enemy soldiers.

The Falling Soldier is the nearest man to the camera, wearing a white shirt with its sleeves rolled up, clear trousers and cap with the CNT letters embroidered on it.

Robert Capa is inside the trench while he is making this photograph. All the militiamen are in focus. Among these men, we have got once more the militiaman wearing a big straw hat seeming to be an Andalusian militiaman and also appearing in some of the 21 pictures making up the all existing 35 mm negatives from the Falling Soldier series at the ICP.

In this picture, there isn´t any real combat against Francoist troops.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 81: Picture made by Robert Capa. There are five Republican militiamen landing across the trench, after having jumped on it in the previous picture.

One of the militiamen, clad in dark fatigue clothes and cap, is completely inside the trench grabbing his Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm rifle with his right arm (his sleeves being turned up) and about to go up to the top border of it.

There is a second militiaman wearing dark clothes and cap and lying on top of the trench, simulataing to aim with his Mauser rifle against attacking Francoist troops. His nose is very near the hidden head of the firing pin of his gun, so it can´t strike any cartridge.

And just behind him, also leaned on top of the trench, more unprotected and with his head and chest dangerously protruding over top of the trench, we see the Falling Soldier, who is grabbing his Mauser 1893 7 x 57 mm rifle (also known as Spanish 7 mm Mauser) pointing upwards in such a way that it´d spot his position to enemy forces in a context of real battle, something who
doesn´t seem to worry him, because top priority is to appear as good as possible in the picture and fully identifiable.

In this photograph, there isn´t any real battle against attacking rebel forces.

In the farthest background, barely discernible, we can glimpse two more militiamen: one wearing a metal helmet (also appearing in other photographs of the Falling Soldier series already quoted) and a last one with dark cap fairly out of focus and undistinguishable.

The vignetting on the corners of the Leitz lens is remarkable and adds the picture a vintage aesthetic beauty of image.

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive any future observer of this picture into believing that there´s
a real battle. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him - , from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them, the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the picture.

- Page 82: Picture made by Robert Capa. There are three loyalist militiamen on the border of the trench, simulating to aim their rifles from top to bottom against enemy soldiers.

The nearest militiaman to the camera (clad in dark fatigue clothes and cap of the CNT) is on top of the trench, with his left leg bent and his knee on the ground, while his right leg is somewhat stretched.

He´s excessively on the trench, highly unprotected against enemy bullets, offering a big target on his chest, neck and head to Francoist soldiers.

The head of the firing pin of his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 (bent bolt) caliber 7 x 57 mm is hidden inside its resting location, so it can´t strike any bullet.

No rebel troops are attacking, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in actual battle is not to be quiet and aim his not ready to fire gun, but to cock again the bolt as soon as possible to load the rifle with a new bullet and then to aim.

Though the head of the firing pin of his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle is visible, the second militiaman, on the middle left of the image (clad in dark fatigue clothes and cap and with his right sleeve turned up), is also simulating to aim at enemy forces. His face is excessively far from the sight and half of the butt is loose and not leaned against his body to minimize the effect of recoil (in the case of the other militiamen, this aspect is even more strange, because the nose of each one is just behind the bolt, and this is not evidently a correct way of aiming or opening fire, so they seem to be above all thinking about the picture and trying that their faces be recognizable in the photograph.

The militiaman in the background, wearing a white shirt with its sleeves rolled up and cap with the letters CNT embroided on it and hanging tassel, is the Falling Soldier, who is also simulating to aim with his Spanish Mauser 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm rifle at hypothetical enemy attacking forces.

But the head of the firing pin of his 7 x 57 mm rifle is hidden inside its location in the back of the bolt, so it can´t strike any cartridge, so no rebel troops are attacking him or his comrades, because on experiencing the effect of the recoil after firing, the reaction of a soldier in an actual battle is not to be quiet and aim his not ready to fire gun, but to cock again the bolt as soon as possible to load the rifle qith a new bullet, and then to aim.

There isn´t any real combat against Francoist troops in this picture and no rebel troops are attacking the militiamen from bottom to top trying to captura the trench occupied by the anarchist militiamen.

On the other hand, both the nearest militiaman to the camera and the Falling Soldier have their bodies excessively protruding over the trench - above all the Falling Soldier-, something highly dangerous in a real combat situation against hypotehtical enemy forces.

These two militiamen would be very easily and quickly annihilated by means of shots on head or
heart.

The reason for the so risky arrangement of the Republican militiamen is that none of them want to be concealed by other´s body. They all do yearn very much after appearing in the photograph
fully recognizable - specially the face-, and they have previously agreed to place themselves in the trench this way, because if they were in the logical real combat position with the three of them lying on the border of the trench, with their Mauser rifles leaned on the ground and really aiming at the enemy, crouching their heads, being mostly inside the trench and crouching to the utmost to offer as minimum target as possible to the enemy, the nearest militiaman to the camera would have greatly concealed the bodies and faces of the other two, who so wouldn´t be recognizable in the picture.

Besides, there´s also a high probability that some political comissar, loyalist officer, etc, strongly encouraged the militiamen to make all the movements, simulating of firing, leapings, etc, that they enthusiastically performed that early morning of September 1936 in order that Capa and Taro photograph them (because the pictures had a significant propagandist mission for both sides during the Spanish Civil War from the very beginning of the conflict).

Robert Capa doesn´t try to deceive future observers of this picture into believing that there´s a real battle. The Republican militiamen are overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, and because of the great expectation raised in them by the presence of two foreign photographers - Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, an attractive woman who is with him - , from the very moment in which the two foreign photojournalists approach them , the militiamen begin to make all kind of simulating of firing (both from the border of trenches and outside them with a knee on the ground), running in different directions, jumping over trenches or wheat, etc, as we see in different pictures, because they do highly wish to be photographed and appear as good as possible in the pictures.

Capa is there and takes the pictures.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 83: Death of a Loyalist Militiaman. Picture made by Robert Capa. This is probably the most famous and important photograph in history, at the same time eerie and sublime, showing a Republican militiaman at the very moment of his instant death because of a 7 x 57 mm high velocity bullet (730 m/sec) fired by a Tabor of Regulares Moroccan sniper using long barrel 1893 Spanish Mauser rifle and piercing his heart.

By pure chance, Robert Capa has just pressed the shutter release button of his Leica III (Model F 1933-1939) with carrying strap lugs and rangefinder magnification of 1.5X connected to a Leitz Summar 50 mm f/2 lens in a split second greatly coinciding with the moment of impact of the bullet on the loyalist militiaman´s heart who dies instantly because of the shock which paralyses his vital organs, since the 7 x 57 mm cartridge has got great ballistic properties including very flat trajectory, impressive penetrating effect of its 7 mm density at long distances, etc.

There are three main hypotheses on how the death happened:
a) The Falling Soldier was running down the wheat covered slope seen in the picture,when Robert Capa was waiting for him some meters ahead, with one knee on the ground, to take him the photograph from a low angle (being both the Republican militiaman and Capa outside the trench), when suddenly and in an utterly unexpected way, at the same time in which the photographer pressed the realease button of his camera, a hidden Tabor of Regulares sniper shot the Republican militiaman on his heart, killing him instantly with a 7 x 57 mm bullet fired with his Mauser 7 x 57 mm rifle from a distance of some hundred meters.

b) The Falling Soldier was running down the wheat covered slope seen in the picture, when Robert Capa, also running down the slope some meters ahead of him, put a knee on the ground to take him the photograph from a low angle (being both the Republican militiaman and Capa outside the trench), when suddenly and in an utterly unexpected way, at the same time in which the photographer pressed the realease button of his camera, a hidden Tabor of Regulares sniper shot the Republican militiaman on his heart, killing him instantly with a 7 x 57 mm bullet fired from a distance of some hundred meters.

c) The Falling Soldier was running down he wheat covered slope seen in the picture,passing by the trench, when Robert Capa being inside it, took the picture of the militiaman from a low angle (with Robert Capa and other militiamen being inside the trench), when suddenly and in an utterly unexpected way, at the same time in which the photographer pressed the release button of his camera, a hidden Tabor of Regulares sniper shot the Republican militiaman on his heart, killing him instantly with a 7 x 57 mm bullet fired from a distance of some hundred meters.

The recently made discovery by elrectanguloenlamano (May 2009, 5th Part of this
research) regarding a picture in which there are three Republican militiamen standing alive: one dressed in dark clothes and cap, grabbing a Mauser rifle with both hands and running down slightly bent the wheat covered slope towards the right of the frame, while another Republican militiaman (only partially seen, wearing clear clothes, black leather cartridge poaches and a Mauser rifle) on his left is also running down the slope even more bent that the militiaman wearing dar fatigues clothes, and with his bolt rifle grabbed in inversed position with both the rifle gunstock and the sling inadvertently pointing upwards probably because of the overjoy and euphoria of the militiaman, along with a strong yearning for simulating a downward attack against enemy forces, in the same way as his companion, without realizing that he is being greatly concealed by his comrade´s body on his right, and a third Republican militiaman (out of image, of whom only the tip of his Mauser rifle appears on the left of the image) running behind the tow
militiamen observable in the photograph, proves that there were five militiamen running down the slope and not two as thought till now (The Falling Soldier being killed instantly and the second militiaman shot immediately after the first, who appears already on the ground, very badly injured, in the following picture).

This picture with the two militiamen running down (and a third one behind them,
out of image) was made with both loyalist militiamen treading on a near stretch of the same slope, but not on the same spot than the Falling Soldier and the following shot militiaman who fall on two points very close each other.

This discovery is very significant, because there are people saying that Capa made
the picture of the Falling Soldier with his camera on a tripod and that both The Falling Soldier and the second militiaman shot fell exactly on the same spot, something which is not true (very near indeed but not exactly the same spot).

This picture, appearing on the middle left area of page 7 of Regards Magazine September 24th 1936, confirms even more something already known: Capa didn´t
use any trick, camera on tripod or any other ruse to make the picture of the Falling
Soldier, which is authentic and captures the real moment of death of a Republican
militiaman and suggests that the most probable thing is that Capa was inside the
trench when he took this photograph, but not with his arms raised and making the
pictures without being able to see (as is always said because of a statement attributed to Capa, whose graphic or recorded evidence I haven´t been ever able to
see), but clearly seeing the five militiamen as they were running down.

On the other hand, it seems clear that the second militiaman shot (not instantly killed but on the ground, very seriously injured) was running down the slope behind the Falling Soldier when the latter was shot.

Bearing it in mind, the hypothesis that the overjoyed running down Falling Soldier suddenly stopped when being near Capa in order that he made the picture has gained a lot of momentum, because it would greatly explain the coincidence between the liberation of the shutter release of Capa´s Leica rangefinder camera and the impact of the bullet on the militiaman´s heart,since apparently the enemy sniper chose the best moment to optimize hisshot accuracy, when the loyalist militiaman stopped in front of Capa.

This coincidence has been one of the most important ones making some people doubting about the autenticity of the picture, making them erroneously believe that the famous Falling Soldier photograph is a fake or that Capa used any ruse.

But the Falling Soldier picture is authentic and there´s a real instant death depicted in it.

So, this new discovery that there were five militiamen -and not two as believed till now- running down the slope, greatly confirms the statement made by Captain
Robert Franks, Chief Homicide Detective of the Memphis Police Department after analyzing the Falling Soldier photograph: he was standing flat footed when he was shot and clearly it wasn´t a pose, but a real death, because the soldier´s left hand, partially appearing under his left leg, is in a semi-closed position. If the fall had been staged, the hand would have been open to catch his fall, the logical self-preservation reflex act to keep one from being hurt).

And Captain Robert Franks also noted that the position of the fingers, somewhat curled toward the palm, indicates that the man´s muscles had gone limp and that his body was rapidly shutting down already dead. And he was right.

Captain Franks also expressed his convition that the Falling Soldier had been carrying his rifle in a way suggesting that he did not expect to use it soon.

He´s also right in this point. The rectanguloenlamano discovery that the three Republican militiamen running down in the picture of middle left area of page 7 of
Regards magazine September 24th 1936 was taken immediately before the Falling
Soldier utterly verifies that all the militiamen running down were overconfident and sure that there weren´t enemy troops in the surroundings, with which the first shot fired by the Moroccan Tabor of Regulares sniper was absolutely lethal, since the Republican militiaman was relaxed and overjoyed, simulating running down against enemy forces, when all of a sudden, a 7 x 57 mm bullet pierced his heart killing him instantly because of the shock paralysing his vital functions before the blood has begun to sprout.

Everything is very related to the stopping power and killing power featured by this high velocity type of bullet, as decisive factors provoking damage when impacting on an animal or person, the 7 x 57 mm cartridge excelling at high velocity, shock effect, diameter and expansion of the bullet, kinetic energy and lineal impulse, everything greatly enhanced by the tremendous accuracy of the Moroccan Tabor of Regulares snipers.

There are people saying that this picture is false because " only a magnum gun can throw a man backwards in the way depicted in the photographed".

That´s not true, because the shot placement and the type of bullet performance are much more important factors than the pure brute force of the cartridge.

A non magnum rifle bullet flying at a great speed penetrates through the animal or person with an effect comparable to an expansive wave, and this ´hydraulic effect´ brings about a bigger damage on the animal or person tissues, being able to provoke the death even if the shot doesn´t touch any vital organ, not to say if it impacts on the heart or head.

In a nutshell, a small non magnum rifle bullet featuring great velocity has the same energy than other bigger caliber types of bullets flying at slower speeds.

And regarding "the impossibility that a non Magnum bullet is able to throw the militiaman backwards in that way", only a further detail: many big five African hunters, above all the famous W.D.M. Bell, used it to kill elephants because of its great piercing power and accuracy...

Another frequent error (among many others) by those stating that Capa´s most famous picture is a fake and that the Falling Soldier got up again after being shot, is to think that the absence of blood on the militiaman´s shirt indicates that the photograph is false.

That´s not true.

The absence of blood in the Falling Soldier´s white shirt is because of the very high velocity of the 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullet which kills him just in the split second in which Robert Capa has just pressed the shutter realease button of his Leica III (Model F 1936-1939), so though the bullet has already pierced the Falling Soldier heart, there hasn´t been enough time for the blood to sprout.

If we think of the very short elapse of time which means 1/10 sec in an athletic competition, a speed of for instance 1/125 sec at f/8 shooting handheld on a sunny day with around iso 40 Kodak panchromatic nitrate black and white film is a much shorter time.

This is a non easy concept to understand, because we all are accustomed to watching different movies in which all kind of bullet shots have the immediate effect of presence of blood on the victims´ clothes, specially if they are using white garments, which makes even more remarkable the thing with the Falling Soldier who is wearing a turned up white colour shirt.

But in reality, things are different regarding the performance of the bullets, and it will depend on a number of factors, among which the shock effect is another absolutely decisive one.

Traditionally, everybody has thought and will go on thinking that the end of the vital functions of an animal or person which has just been shot is due to the loss of blood, which evidently has got its importance, though it is not the key factor in this respect.

The most significant element regarding the break of the vital functions of an animal or person
impacted by bullet is the shock effect when the projectile hits one of the vital organs.

That´s why the Falling Soldier dies instantly, because of the shock effect of the 730 m/sec high velocity of a 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullet, before the blood has begun to flow.

Such is the kinetic energy of this caliber, which greatly enhances its stopping power and fosters its piercing capacity, its expansion and its ability to destroy animal or person tissues.

On the other hand, the lineal impulse of the 7 x 57 mm bullet is also highly remarkable, preserving great power and a simultaneous scarce recoil, a key factor for accuracy in long distance shots.

You can be sure: just after the picture was taken by Capa, there was a lot of blood running from the Falling Soldier´s heart, with two points of blood exit.

In 1936, the Tabor of Regulares Moroccan soldiers were the best snipers in the world, shooting the most suitable 7 x 57 mm bullets for their missions, with the appropriate load in grains and using the best bolt rifle available then: the 1893 Model Spanish Mauser.

These were very hardened and disciplined troops, featuring a lot of years of real combat experience, and able to get tremendous levels of accuracy with shots made at great distances between 400 and 1000 meters impacting on enemy soldiers´ head or heart.

Bigger caliber types of bullets like Magnum, Nitroexpress, etc, are heavy projectiles with great recoil which would make the accuracy and recharge in a real combat situation much more difficult than with a non Magnum 1893 Model 7 x 57 mm Mauser rifle.

To have a Magnum or NitroExpress caliber doesn´t necessarily mean that the suitable stopping power will be attained in shots.

In order to get the most suitable stopping power, the best possible balance between velocity of the bullet, its weight and recoil effect is esential.

From a ballistic viewpoint, the two Republican militiamen killed on the wheat covered slope appearing in this picture between 9:30 and 10:30 h in the morning of September 5th 1936, were the aftermath of the optimization of a very high percentage of the previously quoted factors in the binomium long barrel 1893 Model Mauser bolt rifle + 7 x 57 mm bullet along with the amazing level of accuracy in their long distance shots attained by the Moroccan Tabor of Regulares snipers being able to put the bullets on vital organs under conditions of maximum combat stress, with which they got the necessary force to achieve the desired stopping power without needing Magnum or NitroExpress caliber bullets for it. They took advantage of a top-notch classic bolt rifle with more than 40 years of antiquity at those moments (having proved its impresive efficiency and precision in different conflicts), sporting 2,000 meters of long distance lethal range through its 73,5 cm long barrel, great power, resistance, reliability and huge accuracy, with the added benefit of a revolving bolt which is manually activated by means of a rotation and push movement, enabling both a very quick recharging and a highly short time of bullet striking.

At the same time, their real combat experience allowed these Tabor of Regulares snipers to bear in mind the wind and the dispersion factor of 30 cm of the 7 x 57 mm Mauser bullets before opening fire.

If they had any supporting base to make the shots, their long distance effectiveness was certainly lethal, which added to the quick recharge enabled by this bolt rifle, made them often being able to kill two enemy soldiers in around three seconds.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 84: The second falling soldier. Picture made by Robert Capa. Though not as
famous as the first Falling Soldier (instantly killed by a 7 x 57 mm percing his heart), this photograph, taken by Robert Capa immediately after the Falling Soldier, is much more gruesome and disgusting, because the militiaman (who is another different soldier, not the previous one, there isn´t any doubt in this respect) is still alive on the ground of the same wheat covered slope, having fallen on a very near spot to the first militiaman (though not exactly the same point as stated by some people), and is very very seriously injured because of the impact on his body of a second 7 x 57 mm bullet shot by the same sniper that has just killed the first Falling Soldier, whose accuracy has not been so high as with the first shot because he has been bound to reload his Mauser rifle and open fire for a second time with the risk it implies for his life (if a sniper makes more than one shot, chances of being spotted by the enemy increase significantly).

The loyalist militiaman is in a very odd and stressful position brought about by the shot, not instantly lethal as the previous one killing the Falling Soldier, but leaving him greatly crippled.

His vital functions are significantly diminished and because of the shot that has hurled him backwards, his legs are immobilized and from waist to head his body is convulsed and trying to keep a precarious balance, while his right arm is bent backwards with his hand weakly grabbing his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 7 x 57 mm caliber (bent bolt), whose barrel tip is touching the ground.

For a long time, I thought that this second militiaman shot was standing running down the slope behind the Falling Soldier and somehow brandishing his Mosquetón Mauser when he was also shot and had slowly fallen to the ground, not instantly killed but very seriously injured. Nevertheless, the postion of this militiaman on the ground was somewhat odd for a man having been shot while being running standing and fallen to the ground.

But recently, I had the chance of reading the excellent book This is War! Robert Capa at Work written by Richard Whelan and published by ICP / Steidl, and in its page 75 is the complete account of the expert criminologist captain Robert Franks which I´m convinced resolves three "mysteries" frequently put forward by people stating that the Falling Soldier (instantly killed) picture is false, a fake, a montage using tripod, etc: a) how the second falling soldier body was when he was shot, b) why this second militiaman shot falls so very near the first Falling Soldier and c) why the body of the Falling Soldier doesn´t appear in the picture of this second falling soldier (not instantly killed but still alive on the ground, very seriously injured):
"As soon as the Falling Soldier had fallen to the ground, comrades must have dragged his body back into the gully, which would explain why his corpse is not visible in the photograph of the other falling soldier.

Captain Franks was sure that the Falling Soldier was the first loyalist militiaman to be shot.

That´s why he also wrote: " I base this upon the cloud formation that seems to be tighter in the Falling Soldier and more dissipated in the other picture".

On the other hand, on watching this picture of the second falling soldier seriously injured on the ground, we quickly realize that the image quality is far superior to the first Falling Soldier one in terms of resolving power, sharpness and level of detail.

That´s why, Captain Robert Franks makes a further statement: " The second soldier´s photograph is in focus, which indicates to me that Robert Capa had time to attend to the settings on his camera between the two shots".

And following this statement, Captain Robert Franks makes a highly interesting affirmation: " the photograph of the second militiaman shot indicates to me that the soldier was on his knees, leaning back with his buttocks resting on the heels of his feet , the rifle being held in his right hand and the rifle muzzle pointing up and slightly to the rear. As the soldier was thrown back by a bullet, gravity took over, pulling the weight of the barrel towards the ground. When the gunfire began, he was presumably standing far enough to Borrell´s right so that he was outside the left edge of the Falling Soldier. He must then have dropped to his knees, both to protect himself and to help move the Falling Soldier´s body into the gully. He probably lifted the Falling Soldier by the armpits, which would explain why the photograph shows him slightly behind the spot where the Falling Soldier had been standing. Men in the gully would have dragged the Falling Soldier by the feet toward them. The man in Capa´s second shot militiaman photograph was evidently picking his rifle up from the ground when he was shot.

I do believe Captain Robert Franks is utterly right in his explanations, including the one regarding the no presence of the Falling Soldier corpse on the ground in the picture of the second shot loyalist militiaman, a key factor to explain the events, because THE TWO MOST IMPORTANT ASPECTS OF THIS STORY ARE NOT THE LOCATION OF THE FALLING SOLDIER PICTURE AND THE IDENTITY OF THE MAN APPEARING IN IT (TWO IMPORTANT TOPICS ANYWAY), BUT THE REAL INSTANT DEATH OF A REPUBLICAN MILITIAMAN BECAUSE OF A 7 X 57 MM BULLET SHOT BY A TABOR OF REGULARES SNIPER AND THAT CAPA DIDN´T USE ANY TRICK, MONTAGE WITH TRIPOD OR RUSE OF ANY KIND, AND ABOVE ALL, THAT THE FALLING SOLDIER DIDN´T GET UP AGAIN AS SOME PEOPLE ARE STATING.

This second falling soldier (not instantly killed as the first Falling Soldier, but very seriously
injured on the wheat covered ground of the slope) appearing in page 84, is the same militiaman than the one whose corpse holding his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model depicted in the last picture of the Falling Soldier series, recently known to the public thanks to the ICP, because it is one of the photographs displayed in the great itinerant exhibition This is War! Robert Capa at Work which will be held in Barcelona between July 7th and September 24th 2009.

- Page 85: The corpse of the second militiaman shot holding his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model. There isn´t any doubt: he is the same man than the militiaman of page 84, identical gun, identical rectangular leather ammunition poaches, identical trousers, the same white slippers, identical right turned up sleeve - this can be seen paying top attention or using a magnifying glass on the middle of the shadow projected by the corpse of this militiaman over the buttock of his Mosquetón Mauser 1916 Model where we can see the inert right arm lying on the wheat covered ground of the slope lower than the point where this man was really shot.

For more information on this picture, please read the comments relative to 35 mm contact number 881.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Page 67: 35 mm contact Number 874 Second image of the fifth strip of negatives in the page.
Underexposed picture. There are four militiamen with one knee on the ground of the wheat covered slope, on a different spot of it compared to the vast majority of other photographs of the series. We can discern the Andalusian militiaman with big straw hat - seconf from the left- appearing in other pictures - and the militiaman using a metal helmet - first from the right - also appearing in other photographs.

Capa takes the image from behind the milititiamen, being diagonally on their left. The luminic conditions have changed, mainly because of the different direction of the light compared to the rest of images of the series, with presence of some backlighted context which renders the picture underexposed because very probably both Capa and Gerda Taro set a combination of aperture and shutter speed measuring light with a Weston 650 Photronic exposure meter before making the series, and from that moment on, both of them worked with the same setting, because to priority was to take as many pictures as possible of the militiamen. Though it could seem other way on seeing some of the pictures, everything happened very quickly, probably not more than between 20 minutes and one hour, so Robert Capa and Gerda Taro had to work very fast, moving quickly in different directions and paying top attention to what the militiamen did either at will or following one or two commanding men exhorting them from time to time.

I´m persuaded that neither Capa nor Taro gave any order to the militiamen, simply because they didn´t need it. If they had given instructions to the militiamen, one by one, to put each one on a position, or merely telling them rougly what to do, things would have been highly delayed. Besides, that was not Capa and Taro´s style of working, and we mustn´t forget that Capa and Taro had been in Spain since the beginning of August 1936. Capa could speak Hungarian, German and some French, while Gerda Taro could speak Polish, German and French. Therefore, neither of them could speak Spanish. How would have they been able to give instructions to the militiamen to pose?

Simply, Capa and Taro were there and did their best to capture the best possible images they could, striving after adapting to the circumnstances.

All the series of images taken on the wheat covered slope suggests that there were at least two persons, one of them perhaps being a Republican officer and another one maybe an anarchist militiaman with some power over the rest that exerted pressure at every moment and hastily exhorted the militiamen to adopt different attitudes, fulfill various manoeuvres and simulating of attacking, running downwards, running upwards, jumping on the trench, pretending to be aiming at really non existing Francoist troops attacking them, simulating opening fire with their rifles from inside the trench, etc, in order that Capa and Taro made pictures of them.

And evidently, the militiamen were very happy and yearning after making all kind of movements and manoeuvres to accomplish it, because they were overjoyed and highly infused with revolutionary spirit, to such an extent that sometimes they make a kind of childish actions, as happens in some photographs.

Robert Capa. © ICP New York

- Horizontal picture made by Robert Capa in which we see the militiaman wearing a metal helmet filling a great percentage of the 35 mm negative while he is inside the trench, holding his Mauser 1893 Model rifle with his left hand, at the same time pretending to be cocking the bolt again with his right hand to load the gun with a new bullet.

Capa has captured the militiaman just at the moment in which he is looking at the bolt, moving his right hand, whose motion is rendered by the blurred aspect of the area stretching from his right elbow to the fingers of his right hand, along with the hanging rifle leather transport strap portion nearest to his chest.

The leather ammunition boxes for 7 x 57 mm cartridges are visible on the lower left area of the image.

Also occuping their posts inside the trench, we can glimpse in the background the Andalusian militiaman wearing a big straw hat with the inscription U.H.P (Union of Proletarian Brothers)
and a further militiaman of whom we can only discern the forehead and a dark cap with the CNT inscription embroidered.

This photograph doesn´t appear in the ICP/STEIDL catalogue book, but has been part of the This is War! Robert Capa at Work exhibition which has been held since 2007 in New York, London, Milan and Barcelona.

Gerda Taro. © ICP New York

- Horizontal picture made by Robert Capa. Underexposed picture. We can see a militiaman lying on the ground, his legs being fairly separated, his left arm stretched in a 45º position, and half of his Mauser rifle resting on his neck.

This is a somewhat childish and naive context, because it´s very apparent that the gun has been put between three stones (two bigs and another smaller one) to attain the equilibrium necessary for the rifle resting with the trigger area upwards, something highly unnatural and evident (after departing from the stones, the rifle doesn´t touch the ground at any moment). The buttock supporting rocks are exceeddingly visible for any person watching the picture.

It is utterly impossible that Robert Capa or Gerda Taro have intentionally put the rifle this way crossed on the militiaman man with the aim of faking his death, because they´re not idiot and any future observer of the image would realize the presence of the rocks supporting the rifle buttock in a very odd balance with its trigger area upwards.

It´s not easy to ascertain with 100% accuracy what happened in this such a naive context: whether the militiaman, fooling around, decided on its own to lie on the ground and simulate his own death, trying to add drama crossing the gun on his body in such a striking way, or if more probably one of the at least two men with command (one of them being a Republican officer and the other one probably an anarchist man with power over the militiamen) present at every moment while Capa and Taro made the pictures (and exerting pressure also on them in spite of being working as photographers with an official Republican press pass) urged the militiaman to lie on the ground and then put the rifle crossed on his neck this way.

It could also be perhaps that the militiaman is simply resting on the ground and has put his rifle crossed on his body this way to prevent the entrance of sand inside the barrel of his Mauser rifle (instead of the usual thing which would be to put the gun on the ground near his body), a very valuable weapon then, and Capa simply takes him the picture on watching him.

In any case, what is completely sure is that neither Robert Capa or Gerda Taro have given instruction to this militiaman to fake to simulate to be dead, and of course, neither Capa or Taro have put the rifle crossed in such a queer way on the lying militiaman, because it would be very apparent, as indeed it is for any future observer.

Robert Capa was there and took as many pictures as he could, because that was the priority, but what Capa captures with his camera stems from either the will of the lying militiaman lying on the ground immersed in a kind of revolutionary spree and trying to be the main character of events making "different things", with the gun perhaps having been been put supported by the rocks and crossed on his neck by a comrade, or one of the quoted men with power present at every moment gave the instruction in that respect.

Needless to say that the lying militiaman with the gun crossed on his neck is alive.

Definitely, Robert Capa and Gerda Taro didn´t give instructions to this militiaman to make things, and the same applies to the rest of pictures of the Falling Soldier series which they took on the wheat covered slope.

What happened was a kind of revolutionary binge in which sometimes the militiamen made things at will trying to do different things to appear the best possible in the pictures two foreign photographers were taking of them (fostered by the very high expectation and emotion they felt), and other times they were pressed to perform various dynamic manoeuvres in full motion and static postures alike.

In my opinion, when analysing what Robert Capa and Gerda Taro made in Espejo and Cerro Muriano in September 1936, it´s very important to bear in mind the context, because at this starting stage of the Spanish Civil war, vast majority of Republican combatants were anarchists belonging to C.N.T and F.A.I, encompassing working men like peasants, masons, cobblers, textile workers, print workers, mill workers, harvesters, day laborers, etc, common people belonging to very different occupations and then submitted to terrible laboral conditions which made them working between 12 and 18 hours a day to be able to survive and feed their children.

However curious or strange it may seem, this very apparent naiveté of this picture taken in the outskirsts of Espejo village, doesn´t indicate at all any fraud by Robert Capa and Gerda Taro, but something very different: a huge drama and foreboding of death, because when Capa is taking this photograph everything is party, overjoy, overconfidence and revolutionary spree of a lot of militiamen making all kind of movements, manoeuvres, jumpings, simulating of shooting, simulating of running upwards against non existing enemy, etc, including some highly naive actions epitomized by this picture.

But many of these men greatly lacking any military instruction and handle of weapons, will have to fight within less than three weeks between September 22 and 25 1936 defending Espejo against the feared Tabor of Regulares of Melilla (under the command of major Baturone) and the Squadron of Regulares of Melilla (under the command of major Sagrado), in 1936 the best infantry in the world together with the legionnaries.

There´s a high probability that a lot of the militiamen appearing in Capa and Taro´s pictures were killed during the battle for Espejo village between September 22-25 1936, specially in the Cota 380 and the village itself, when in spite of the brilliant defence by the famous Republican major Pérez Salas, he was bound to order retreat when the highly experienced Moroccan men of the Tabor and Squadron of Regulares managed to finally fulfill the encircling manoeuvre, overwhelming the Republican artillery attacking from the northwest and wiping out the last Republican defenders inside the castle.

Therefore, in spite of the accusations of fraud and statements of some people saying that Capa and Taro´s pictures are not authetic, in my viewpoint simply that´s not true, in my viewpoint neither of the two photographers gave any order or instruction to the militiamen to fake anything, and these pictures are a real treasure which we have been able to relish mainly thanks to the last efforts by Cornell Capa and Richard Whelan before dying, searching for all available pictures existing in the ICP, which enabled the edition of the formidable ICP / STEIDL catalogue book This is War! Robert Capa at Work.

The wide range of movements, manoeuvres and positions adopted by the militiamen highly suggest that now and then there was at least a commanding officer or anarchist man with certain powers and featuring combat experience giving orders to the militiamen.

In my viewpoint, high chances are that the man in around his fifties, clad in white fatigue clothes
and wearing an army cap with eye shade and a litt